Congress or the Indian National Congress (INC) is one of two major political parties in India. It was founded in 1885 and played a leading role in India’s Independence movement. It has ruled during most of India’s independent years and gave the country its first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Leadership of the Congress too has been dominated by the Nehru-Gandhi family.
The Congress is a center-left party, and lists on its website democracy, nationalism, secularism, inclusive growth and social justice as its core values. It last ruled India between 2004 and 2014, but has since lost its sway, being reduced to just 52 seats in the 2019 General Elections. INDIA, the alliance headed by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, was an attempt to bring together opposition parties against the BJP government for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.
Together, the INDIA Alliance secured 238 of the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha. The Congress won 99 of these.
I believe it is fair to say that most Indians hold a highly positive view of Israel, shaped by shared democratic values, strategic cooperation, and long-standing bilateral ties.
At the same time, it’s important to acknowledge a historical pattern at the United Nations General Assembly, where the Palestinian cause has often been rhetorically linked to Kashmir—particularly by countries like Pakistan and Iran. This linkage, typically framed as the “plight of Muslims in Palestine and Kashmir,” has appeared frequently in UN debates and resolutions since the 1970s. The goal has often been political rather than humanitarian, aimed at isolating Israel and India through a coordinated bloc narrative.
In this light, the Indian National Congress’s statement on the Israel–Hamas conflict, more than two years into the ongoing war, appears less about principle and more about electoral strategy—particularly with an eye on Muslim vote banks.
That raises a fair question: has there been any major, sustained outrage or mobilisation among Indian Muslims over the Israel–Palestine conflict in the past two years? From available public discourse, media, and civil society reactions, such unrest appears to have been limited and largely peripheral.
A nationalist Indian may therefore argue:
“‘Humanity’ is increasingly a conditional and selective ideal in today’s world of both random and non-random regional conflicts. In the post–Cold War era, national interest—not ideological solidarity—drives the foreign policy of almost all democracies. That’s a pragmatic reality.”
The exception may be Pakistan and Iran. Pakistan is internationally known for its state sponsorship of Islamic terrorism, which has long treated Kashmir not as a humanitarian or ideological cause, but as a political enterprise. Its approach is driven less by genuine concern and more by Islamist fundamentalism and regional opportunism, lacking the moral consistency that true idealism demands.
In the end, foreign policy cannot be driven by selective morality. It must reflect long-term national interest, principled consistency, and geopolitical clarity. And this is what India is rightly doing now – after course correction from the past.
No wonder the Congress leaders are crying out for Gaza. Their hearts bleed for Muslims across the world.
But they would not speak a word on the Hindu victims of Islamist jihadi violence in Murshidabad and Maheshtala.