At 79, India’s real test is whether the expanding geometry of ties and choices can be converted into a greater regional influence and a stronger global voice.
Today’s diplomacy often appears oddly eager for approval, as if foreign policy is an influencer campaign for Modi measured in likes, shares, followers or viral clips.
On 21 September 1959, PM Jawaharlal Nehru delivered an address at a public function organised by the Indo-Iranian Association in Tehran during his four-day visit to the country.
Rahman also emphasised the scale of the challenge ahead, asking the opposition to be responsible as well. On Hasina, he said the legal route will be followed.
Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Thursday summoned the Norwegian ambassador Per Albert Ilsaas, urging him to “respect established diplomatic norms.”
Instead of conventional coursework, the School of Global Leadership focuses on practical training. The school will be inaugurated on 16 December at ITC Maurya in New Delhi.
India’s foreign policy today is driven less by Western alignment or global liberalism and more by domestic political imperatives — economic, ideological, and electoral.
Satya Niketan tragedy forces us to reconsider the everyday hazards that students are expected to tolerate. A cracked ceiling, exposed wiring, faulty plumbing, overcrowding, poor ventilation, or a neglected structural problem.
India drew a record $127 billion from its vast diaspora, surpassing even the most optimistic estimates and giving policymakers a bigger war chest to defend the currency.
In a seminal work, former military officers Lt. Gen. D.S. Hooda & Lt. Col. Pavithran Rajan put forth a framework to approach cognitive warfare, called Socio-Technical-Cognitive Battlespace.
India, China and Russia share more contradictions than congruence. Each has a different worldview, as also a different adversary. The rude fact is, BRICS is the most irrelevant of all such groupings.
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