There was a pattern to union ministers’ and BJP functionaries’ outrage against West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee for ‘disrespecting’ Prime Minister Narendra Modi last Friday. Their tweets suggested a common word-stock — “dark/black day”, “petty politics”, “cooperative federalism”, “constitutional values”, “petulance”, “ego” and “public welfare.”
An hour before the Prime Minister flew down to Kalaikunda airbase in Bengal for a review meeting on cyclone Yaas, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s information and technology department head Amit Malviya tweeted how Banerjee, at her “petulant best”, was going to skip it for “petty politics”. Eight hours later, Union minister Smriti Irani slammed the Bengal CM for “petulance” and “petty politics”.
Newly minted BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari spoke of Banerjee’s “petty politics”, lack of respect for “constitutional values” and how it was “a dark day in India’s long-standing ethos of cooperative federalism, a principle held sacred” by PM Modi. If Adhikari found it a “dark day”, Union minister Prakash Javadekar called it the “black day” when the ethos of cooperative federalism and constitutional values got a dent. Soon, BJP national president J.P. Nadda was also talking about how PM Modi holds the principles of cooperative federalism very sacred.
How BJP leaders and ministers tweet to prove their relevance to Modi is not the point here. Nor is the common script for outrage, although it’s common knowledge that a communications manager in the Prime Minister’s Office keeps the passwords of BJP leaders’ social media accounts, especially of those with significant followings.
Ministers’ tweets are just a microcosm of how independent, creative and constructive thinking has become a casualty in the Modi government. Even the outrage over disrespect to the PM must be scripted! Read their daily tweets and interviews: Singing paeans of Modi, opposition-bashing, conspiracy theories — all sound and fury signifying nothing. Modi bhakti for survival is not a new trait among ministers, but they seem to have created a make-believe world for the PM, too.
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Yes men
One CM (Jharkhand’s Hemant Soren) may take a dig at the PM for doing telephone-politics, another (Banerjee) may skip a cyclone review meeting with the PM, and yet another (Uddhav Thackeray) may call his aerial survey in Gujarat a photo session, but these don’t deter the PM from showcasing Team India. You couldn’t blame Captain Virat Kohli if half of the Indian cricket team members were to call him biased, could you?
As he enters the eighth year in office, Modi may like to listen to his predecessor, Dr Manmohan Singh, in The Accidental Prime Minister, a 2019 film based on a memoir by Sanjaya Baru, Singh’s media advisor in both real and reel life.
“PM ki kursi zameen se door kar deti hai; sirf files, ministers aur bureaucrats nazar aate hain. Mujhe har khabar chahiye, bina kisi darr ke, bina kisi ummeed ke. Sanjaya, tumhein mera Sanjaya ban na hoga (The PM’s chair distances one from the ground reality; one can see only files, ministers and bureaucrats. I want every bit of information, without any fear or expectations. Sanjaya, you have to become my Sanjaya),” Manmohan Singh tells Baru in the reel-life.
Singh was obviously referring to Sanjaya, blind king Dhritarashtra’s aide with divine vision in the epic Mahabharata, who would tell him about the happenings in the Pandava-Kaurava battle.
There is no comparison between Singh and Modi, of course. Unlike his predecessor, Modi has been the man of the masses. He doesn’t need any Sanjaya to tell him what his party and ministerial colleagues could be up to. But there is merit in what Singh said in the film — the fact about the PM’s chair distancing the occupant from the roots so much that he sees his ministers only. And if they happen to be a bunch of sycophants, a PM can see or do no wrong.
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The Modi Indians voted for
So, is PM Modi losing touch with the ground? I hope not. But indications are a bit disconcerting. The Modi Indians repeatedly voted for knew the pulse of the people so much that he could take irrational steps like demonetisation and they would cheer for him. But that Modi wouldn’t seek credit for ramping up liquid oxygen production 10 times, without even acknowledging the death of hundreds of people due to its shortage. He wouldn’t air-dash to politically important states when they are hit by cyclones but stay indoors when crores of people have to fight on two fronts—with coronavirus, and government apathy. Last but not the least, he wouldn’t allow his ministers to hunt in a pack for opposition leaders’ heads, instead of deploying them to take care of Covid victims on the ground.
The Modi people knew would make an example of what triggered such a political storm in West Bengal—involving all political stakeholders when it comes to public welfare. Leader of opposition in Bengal, Suvendu Adhikari, an accused in the Narada scam and political turncoat, might not have been a great choice to start with. It’s a good beginning, nonetheless. Why should only the ruling establishment be a part of disaster-relief discussions? Let the chief minister and the opposition leader(s) apprise the PM of the ground realities.
Imagine PM Modi visiting every state capital and along with the CM and opposition leaders, inspecting hospitals and other Covid facilities! Imagine the impact if they together make surprise visits to rural health clinics and community health centres! Let him go to Ghazipur, Buxar and Indore, and hear directly from the people the problems they have to face in getting medical help, vaccines and in cremating and burying the dead.
Think about the great political optics such visits will have. That’ll be the Modi Indians voted for.
Views are personal.
(Edited by Neera Majumdar)