Gorakhpur, Nautanwa: Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s kind gesture of prematurely releasing Bahubali Brahmin leader Amarmani Tripathi and his wife Madhumani in a murder case didn’t come out of the blue. It was the result of a bond cemented in prison over 15 years ago. Yogi’s political graph was still rising when he was sent to Gorakhpur jail for 11 days for his communally charged hate speech delivered on 27 January 2007. Tripathi, yet to be convicted and sentenced to life for the murder of poet Madhumita Shukla, was already in the prison. He was the boss man there and looked out for Adityanath, ensuring he didn’t get into trouble with other inmates.
“Tripathi was strong even in jail. He saved Adityanath from every type of exploitation,” said a senior police officer who was posted at Gorakhpur jail at the time. “Tripathi did not let Adityanath face any problem inside the jail.”
That help, especially with Samajwadi Party’s Mulayam Singh in power, was invaluable for Yogi. Today, as the BJP gears up for the 2024 Lok Sabha election, this Yogi-Tripathi jugalbandi can solidify a powerful Thakur-Brahmin vote bank. Brahmins make up about 9-10 percent of Uttar Pradesh’s population while Thakurs account for 7-8 percent.
The chief minister is our guardian and guide. I regularly meet him and seek his blessings. Our relationship is not political, but familial – Aman Mani Tripathi
Tears, triumph, and toasts marked the Uttar Pradesh government’s 24 August order to release Amarmani (66) and Madhumani (61) from prison after serving 16 years of their life sentence, awarded in October 2007 for the murder of 24-year-old poet with whom Amarmani was allegedly in a relationship. But the Tripathis will walk out of a hospital ward and not a prison cell—just as Uttar Pradesh gets ready for the general election next year. Amarmani, a former minister and four-time MLA from Nautanwa in Maharajganj district, quickly gamed the system after his conviction, ensuring he and his wife would spend most of their sentence in a private ward at the BRD Medical College, Gorakhpur.
“He ran his empire from the hospital ward. It’s where he planned the politics of his constituency [Nautanwa],” said a close aide of Tripathi. Private wards served as modern-day durbars where Tripathi would hold forth and strategise over cups of tea and biscuits. The murder victim Madhumita’s sister, Nidhi Shukla, alleges that the Tripathi couple served 62 per cent of their term out of jail.
Now, from tea vendors to political analysts, everyone in Gorakhpur is abuzz with news of Amarmani’s premature release. It shows that Adityanath didn’t forget the help he got in prison all those years ago, says political analyst Manoj Singh. “This release seems to be the result of the relationships built during that time in Gorakhpur jail,” he added.
Even their son, former MLA Aman Mani Tripathi, who will soon face trial in the 2015 murder of his wife Sara Singh, has been talking up about familial connections with Adityanath. “The chief minister is our guardian and guide. I regularly meet him and seek his blessings. Our relationship is not political, but familial,” he said at a press conference after receiving the release order.
It’s a win-win situation for all the key political players in Uttar Pradesh.
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Room number 15 and 16
Cow dung and drain water flow freely in the courtyard of BRD College’s private ward. The five policemen on duty are overwhelmed by the sea of well-wishers flooding the filthy corridors on the first floor. Their numbers have swelled over the past 24 hours.
But Amarmani hasn’t stepped out for his usual morning walk since the release order. “There are so many people that it’s difficult for him to get out,” said one of the policemen deployed for his protection.
The doors to room number 15 and 16, where the Tripathis have been residing since 2012, remain closed. Even though Amarmani’s room (15) is unmarked, everyone in the hospital knows who its VIP resident is.
The hospital building is dilapidated, its corridors and wards visibly dirty. While the faded red and yellow paint peels and bubbles in patches, the rooms belonging to Tripathis reportedly receive regular licks of paint.
“No one can enter their rooms. But they are cleaned and painted from time to time,” said an aide. The window panes are covered with sheets of fine iron mesh, making it impossible to get a glimpse of what’s happening inside.
A supporter who travelled 100 km from Nautanwa to meet Amarmani somehow managed to enter the room. “I hadn’t seen Tripathi ji for years, but after the news of his release, I couldn’t stop myself. I went inside and took his blessings and requested him to return soon,” said the 45-year-old man who did not want to be named.
The police are a permanent fixture too. They have a separate room next to the Tripathis’. It’s been like this since the beginning, said a source in the hospital.
In his home constituency of Nautanwa, preparations are underway for Amarmani’s return. Local residents are convinced that the couple was framed. Madhumita Shukla was shot dead by two gunmen who knocked on the doors of her house in Paper Mill Colony, Nishatganj, Lucknow, on 9 May 2003. Amarmani was rumoured to be having an affair with the poet, who was known for her bird-like, sing-song recitation of her verse.
Her murder, coupled with reports that she was six months pregnant with his child, sparked a media frenzy. Tripathi wielded a significant political presence—having been elected four times to the state assembly, including in 2007 from jail, and having served as a minister in the BJP government in 2001 as well as in the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) government in 2002.
When he was released on bail less than a year after his arrest in 2003, headlines like ‘Pati, Patni Aur Woh’ recalled TV soaps that were all the rage at the time.
And now, the couple will be out again after the UP Prisons Administration and Reform Services department issued orders for their premature release on the grounds of ‘good conduct’. As per the state’s 2018 remission policy and a Supreme Court order, convicted criminals above 60 years serving life sentences are eligible for remission if they have completed 16 years of imprisonment.
If a leader stays away from his area for two years, the public forgets. But Amarmani Tripathi did not disappear from the hearts of the people even after being away for 20 years – Brijesh Mani Tripathi, chairman of Nautanwa municipality
But Madhumita Shukla’s sister Nidhi says she acquired government documents through RTI that show Amarmani never went to the prison between 2012 and 2023, so fulfilling the condition for remission doesn’t arise. Speaking to reporters outside the Supreme Court, she appealed to the governor and the chief minister to stay Amarmani’s release.
“Amarmani is a mastermind who can manage anything in eight weeks. It’s possible he could get me killed to ensure there is not one to challenge (his release),” she said.
Back at BRD Medical College, the police are monitoring the stream of well-wishers coming and going. Amarmani and Madhumani have yet to be discharged, and the doctors treating them have yet to release a statement. Amarmani is undergoing treatment under the supervision of Dr Tapas Kumar Aich. But both Aich and Dr Ganesh Kumar, principal of BRD Medical College, refused to comment on his health condition. “(My) father has ortho and neuro problems, and mother has psychiatric issues,” said Aman Mani.
Tripathi’s white dhoti flutters on a rope strung across the ward corridor. Its blinding white is all the more stark against the filth around.
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Nautanwa can’t wait to celebrate
About a hundred kilometres from Gorakhpur, in Nautanwa, an army of supporters has gathered to welcome Tripathi.
“The Brahmin lion of Purvanchal is returning. After two decades, our leader is coming back,” said a supporter.
Hundreds of people gathered outside Amarmani’s office near the railway station on the morning of 26 August and distributed sweets and burst firecrackers.
Brijesh Mani Tripathi, chairman of Nautanwa municipality, also performed Rudrabhishek in the ancient Jharkhandi temple in the area, while people chanted slogans, “Purvanchal ka sher… Amarmani Tripathi”.
Brijesh Mani had resigned himself to never seeing his leader again. “People are celebrating as if Lord Ram is returning after 14 years of exile,” he said in a daze.
Nautanwa, just a few kilometres away from the India-Nepal border, has been the focal point of Tripathi’s politics. Since his release, the town has become politically charged. His presence will serve as a challenge to local leaders.
Speculation is rife about his return to politics, but the family is not addressing questions on whether they will align with the BJP openly. His son Aman Mani, who won the Nautanwa seat in 2017 as an Independent candidate, is still on bail in the murder of his wife and is handling the family’s politics.
“We are a political family. But right now, all the attention is on the health of the parents. No decision has been made regarding politics yet,” he said.
After the formation of Gorakhpur University, the politics of Brahmin versus Thakur began to dominate Purvanchal. On one side was Samajwadi Party politician and bahubali Hari Shankar Tiwari, who commanded the Brahmin vote, and on the other side was another gangster, Virendra Pratap Shahi, who had the support of the Thakur community. Their battle frequently spilled onto the streets, often divided along Thakur vs Brahmin lines. Tiwari raised Amarmani Tripathi to counter Shahi, but his own death in May was barely a footnote.
Brahmin vs Thakur politics made Amarmani a prominent leader in Purvanchal, though it took a decade for him to defeat his rivals. He contested his first assembly election against Shahi in 1981 on a CPI ticket from Lakshmipur constituency but was defeated. The same thing happened in 1985, but in 1989, Tripathi won on a Congress ticket, and there was no holding him back.
“His outspokenness and fearless presentation of himself endeared him to the public. He always accepted the challenges and remained calm even in odd situations. The smile rarely left his face,” said Singh.
Shahi’s grip kept weakening, and a new leader emerged—one who never lost his hold on his home turf.
“If a leader stays away from his area for two years, the public forgets. But Amarmani Tripathi did not disappear from the hearts of the people even after being away for 20 years. His identity never got lost. Amarmani’s name is very big,” said Brijesh Mani.
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Building an everlasting empire
Political analysts say that there is nothing ‘normal’ about Amarmani’s release.
“Within 24 hours of the order, the jailer [Arun Kumar] himself arrives at the hospital and completes all the bail formalities. Such VVIP treatment cannot happen without a signal from higher up,” said Manoj Singh.
Amarmani’s sphere of influence spans across all parties—Congress, SP, BSP, and BJP. He has also held ministerial positions in several governments. His residence proudly displays a photograph of him with Mulayam Singh Yadav at a rally.
Tripathi’s political prominence shone during the era of unstable governments. In a coalition government, a strongman possesses considerable leverage. Tripathi capitalised on this advantage and retained ministerial roles in governments led by BJP’s Kalyan Singh and Rajnath Singh, SP’s Mulayam Singh and BSP’s Mayawati, according to Manoj Singh. The Gorakhpur-based political analyst has closely tracked Tripathi’s political trajectory for three decades.
According to him, Amarmani Tripathi’s conviction in the murder case holds no significance for his supporters. He also faces charges of kidnapping and land grab. Local people say his family reoccupied Durga Oil Mill in Nautanwa, which was illegally seized but subsequently taken away in 2016 under the presence of Maharajganj district magistrate following a high court order. However, none of these matters seem to affect his supporters.
From 1960 to 1980, muscle power prevailed in Purvanchal. Extortion, kidnapping, and railway contracts constituted their primary revenue streams. Yet, after the liberalisation of 1991, the “Bahubalis” discovered new avenues to cement their dominance—government contracts, real estate ventures, and the establishment of educational institutions.
Two degree colleges, numerous schools, and a gas agency operating in Nautanwa are all controlled by Amarmani Tripathi. Local residents say that despite his absence from politics for two decades, these undertakings have been instrumental in maintaining his presence among the people and will ensure his name will not be forgotten.
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Purvanchal politics, a dramatic carrom board
Tripathi’s release follows a tried and tested political manoeuvre that has also unfolded in Bihar. In April this year, the Bahubali leader Anand Mohan Singh was released by the Nitish Kumar government, seen as an effort to court the Rajput vote bank in the state.
“The same pattern is evident in Tripathi‘s release, though here, efforts are aimed at wooing Brahmins,” said Manoj Singh.
Political parties are observing the situation with restrained statements and responses. Neither the BJP nor the BSP have openly addressed this issue.
However, Samajwadi Party leader and Kannauj MP Dimple Yadav has linked Tripathi’s release to the accused in the Bilkis Bano case.
“This (Yogi Adityanath) government is anti-women. From Chinmayanand to Kuldeep Sengar, and now Tripathi, the government has shown a soft stand against those who commit crimes against women,” said Ajay Rai, the Congress president of Uttar Pradesh.
There are speculations that the BJP could utilise Amarmani Tripathi as a Brahmin face in the upcoming elections. “Purvanchal has no shortage of Brahmin leaders. Yet, none possess the public appeal that Tripathi does. Perhaps this is why the BJP secured his release,” said Singh.
Brahmins have played a significant role in Uttar Pradesh politics since independence. From the first CM of UP, Govind Ballabh Pant, to ND Tiwari, a long list of Brahmin leaders has been associated with the Congress. Manoj Singh noted that Brahmins in UP remained loyal to the Congress for a long time. Tripathi himself commenced his political journey as an MLA from the Congress.
However, the politics of Mandal-Kamandal in 1989 changed the caste equations, causing Brahmins to shift between the BJP and the BSP. In the elections of 2014, 2017, and 2019, over 70 percent of Brahmins in UP voted for the BJP.
“Thakur versus Brahmin politics is quite active in Purvanchal, even within the BJP. With CM Adityanath (a Thakur) at the helm, the BJP’s central leadership will try to balance the power dynamics by projecting a Brahmin figure who already holds significant public appeal,” explains Singh.
SP leader Munna Singh insists that Tripathi’s return won’t change anything. “He is a bad character person. If Tripathi has won four times, he has also lost four times. While the BJP can definitely benefit from his return, society won’t,” the former MLA and Tripathi’s biggest rival said.
But he stands in the minority. Manoj Singh recalls an incident from 2016 when the Maharajganj administration emptied Tripathi’s house of all his belongings over an illegal encroachment case. Three trucks were deployed for this operation. Manoj was present, and saw a carrom board hanging from the back of the last truck as it pulled out of the premises.
The carrom board lingers in his mind. It’s a lifelong game.
“Amarmani Tripathi has another chance. He can reenter politics and resume striking the discs once again.”
(Edited by Prashant)