The political landscape of India has been marked by the rise of Other Backward Classes as a significant force, especially in terms of chief ministerial appointments. A closer examination reveals a stark contrast between the two prominent political parties—the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Indian National Congress—with the former boasting a higher percentage of OBC chief ministers.
Various historical, social, and political factors have shaped the trajectories of the BJP and Congress pertaining to the representation of OBCs. In this article, I will identify the reasons that make the BJP more OBC-friendly, at least in terms of political representation.
OBC dominance
Statistics not only convey numbers but also tell stories about the dynamics of power and representation, especially in a socially diverse country like India. Data journalist Nishant Ranjan looked at the caste background of all chief ministers in India since Independence and uncovered interesting facts. He found that the BJP has had the highest share (30.9 per cent) of OBC CMs, while this number is the lowest for Congress (17.2 per cent). The share of non-Congress/non-BJP parties among OBC chief ministers is 28 per cent.
Second Part of the Series.
1. A caste-wise party-wise breakup of the database shows that the BJP has had the highest share (30.9%) of OBC CMs, while this number is the lowest for Congress (17.2%). The share of non-Congress non-BJP parties among OBC chief ministers is 28%. https://t.co/MaVEJo4iEx pic.twitter.com/Iym8jtm3sV
— Nishant (@NishantTISS) August 18, 2023
The BJP’s impressive count of 21 Hindu OBC chief ministers out of a total of 68 chief ministers reflects the party’s strategic manoeuvring and preferences. In contrast, the Congress—with only 43 OBCs out of 250—lags behind.
This goes against the popular notion, fortified by political analysts, that the BJP is predominantly a Brahmin-Baniya party. The party’s top brass has demonstrated greater willingness to provide political space to the OBCs, the largest social group in India. At the same time, the claim of inclusiveness put forward by the Congress requires further investigation.
Also read: Lalit Modi, Nirav Modi are not OBCs. BJP calling them so is an insult to the community
Absence of Muslim CMs
The BJP’s unstated decision to abstain from appointing Muslim chief ministers could be perceived as religious bias. No Muslim CM has yet been appointed in any BJP-ruled state. However, this can also be interpreted as a calculated move to make space for Hindu OBC leaders. Given that both opinion polls and exit polls consistently show the BJP not garnering significant Muslim votes, the party seems to have opted to forgo pursuing Muslim representation. This strategic decision provides the BJP with greater flexibility to accommodate Hindu OBC leaders.
By not appointing Muslim chief ministers, the BJP capitalises on the absence of overt religious factors. This allows them to prioritise Hindu OBC representation without the complexities of balancing religious identities.This approach aligns seamlessly with the party’s broader narrative of Hindu consolidation (Virat Hindutva), which strongly resonates well with a significant portion of the electorate and yields electoral gains for the party.
Historical electoral base and party identity
The Congress’ historical identity as a party representing Hindu upper castes, and its later alliance with Muslims and Scheduled Castes (SCs) has resulted in relatively lower representation of OBC chief ministers. The Congress political system was famously known as a coalition of extremes, where the party brought together seemingly disparate alliances—Brahmins and Dalits, and Brahmins and Muslims. This worked well for the party in the initial years of the democracy, but has now become a historical baggage: It limits the party’s ability to pivot seamlessly towards OBC empowerment. The Congress’s identity has been deeply intertwined with various socio-religious groups, making it challenging to adopt an OBC-centric strategy, as seen in the BJP’s case.
The coalition of extremes worked well for the party until the emergence of independent Dalit assertion in Uttar Pradesh under the leadership of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), and a growing emphasis on OBC issues and their bigger claim in the political sphere. Simultaneously, the Hindu-Muslim binary intensified. Many events contributed to the breakdown of the Congress system, including mishandling of the Shah Bano case, the Ayodhya Ram Temple issue, and the rise of new social forces.
Importantly, the OBCs remained on the periphery of the Congress system in the first four decades of Indian democracy, particularly in northern India. Perhaps, this explains why the Congress only has 17 per cent OBC chief ministers out of 250 of which 191 were and are Hindu upper caste. Thus, there was limited space for OBC leaders within the Congress. The BJP filled this gap with OBC leaders like Kalyan Singh, Uma Bharti, Babulal Gaur, and Shivraj Singh Chouhan among others.
Also read: I once supported SC quota for ‘Dalit’ Muslims and Christians, but here’s why I don’t anymore
Rise of the BJP
Another crucial factor is that the rise of the BJP coincided with the second democratic upsurge, a concept elaborated by the brilliant political scientist Yogendra Yadav and later by Christophe Jaffrelot in his book India’s Silent Revolution. The 1990s witnessed OBCs gaining prominence in politics, influencing policy and electoral outcomes. The number of OBC legislators started increasing.
The BJP, capitalising on this trend, embraced OBC leaders and assigned them significant roles within the party. This resonated with a rapidly evolving electorate seeking leaders who could relate to their socio-economic realities. The BJP’s ability to tap into this wave of OBC empowerment contributed to its heightened number of OBC chief ministers.
The BJP sensed the resurgence of the OBC movement in the 80s and 90s and acted accordingly. We have seen many of Uma Bharatis, Vinay Katiyars and Sadhwi Ritambharas in Ram Janmbhoomi movement.
It is noteworthy that in the run up to the 2014 Lok Sabha election, the BJP portrayed Narendra Modi as an OBC leader. Currently, the Union Council has 27 OBC ministers, a significant contrast to UPA 2. In the 2014 election year, UPA had only one cabinet minister in the Manmohan Singh cabinet. The BJP has effectively outplayed its competitors in the field of OBC reservation. They groom OBC leaders by assigning them portfolios, and many of these leaders subsequently become chief ministers.
Meanwhile, the Congress found itself constrained by its own structure. While upper-caste voters kept deserting the party, the party organisation remained predominantly in the hands of the upper caste. This mismatch proved detrimental for the party, hindering the manoeuvrability it desperately needed.
The difference in share of OBC chief ministers between the BJP and the Congress highlights a multifaceted interplay of historical legacies, strategic decisions, and political circumstances. The BJP’s deliberate avoidance of Muslim chief ministers, combined with its emergence during the OBC-centric phase of Indian politics, has given it an advantage in OBC representation. Meanwhile, the Congress’s historical affiliations and broader identity politics have impeded its ability to match the BJP’s efforts in reaching out to the OBC community.
Dilip Mandal is the former managing editor of India Today Hindi Magazine, and has authored books on media and sociology. He tweets @Profdilipmandal. Views are personal.
(Edited by Ratan Priya)