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3 survey results that tell us what Indians think about democracy — and it’s not a simple story

The search for a permanent and coherent popular meaning of democracy is futile. The Pew report underlines this ever-evolving tendency of popular democracy in the Indian context.

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Pew Research Center’s recent report on representative democracy is relevant for initiating a serious discussion on the state of democracy in India. The findings of the report do not encourage us to make any simple, straightforward, and politically fashionable conclusions. Instead, they make us aware of the complex ways in which democracy as an idea and ideal is perceived by people at the grassroots level. A significant majority of Indians express their absolute faith in the representative form of government. At the same time, they harbour an overwhelming desire to have strong and decisive leadership for effective governance. This multifaceted response does not fit in the given explanations of democracy.

The report must be seen in its entirety. It is based on the findings of a global survey conducted in 24 countries in mid-2023, involving more than 30,000 respondents who were interviewed using different techniques, from telephonic survey to face-to-face interaction. The sample size for the Indian study was over 2,000. Respondents were interviewed directly in various locations all over the country by using a standard questionnaire.

The prime concern of this report was to examine global political trends and patterns. For this purpose, the questionnaire was designed to accommodate a variety of responses into neatly worked-out data-based categories. The Indian case is one of the variables for country-level comparisons and analysis.


Also read: Vote in the Lok Sabha elections, but know it’s just a symbolic gesture. Voice matters more


3 key results matter to us

The relatively smaller sample size outside the United States and the overtly comparative focus of the report do not make this study irrelevant to us. The India-specific survey-based findings offer us a few serious indications to evaluate people’s views, perceptions, and anxieties about democracy in the country. Three key results of the survey are very crucial in this regard.

First, there is tremendous support for the representative form of government. Over 70 per cent of respondents say that a democratic system where representatives are elected by citizens is the best way to govern the country. In fact, a sizeable majority (80 per cent) of Indians are in favour of direct democracy, where citizens, not elected officials, vote directly on major national issues.

Second, there is an enthusiasm for social inclusiveness for making democracy more accountable and effective. Around 68 per cent of respondents say that the policies in the country will improve if more women are elected as MPs and MLAs. Similarly, a significant majority (64 per cent) think that young adults must be given leadership roles to make politics more dynamic and energetic. This is also true about politicians coming from humble socio-economic backgrounds. Around 62 per cent of Indians think that the induction of people from marginalised communities and poor backgrounds into the political system is desirable for improving public policy apparatus. These two findings fit well in the standard descriptions of democracy in India. One may confidently argue that Indians don’t merely want democracy as a system of government; they are equally concerned about the question of fair representation and inclusiveness.

The third set of findings, however, destabilises the conventional ‘deepening of democracy’ thesis. Almost 67 per cent of respondents say that there is a need to have a strong leader ‘who can make decisions without interference from Parliament or the courts’. Similarly, the report also finds strong (72 per cent) support for military rule.

A clarification is important here. The report views the ‘support for strong leader’ as an autocratic tendency, which is more broadly envisaged as a challenge to democracy. This simplified view is problematic in the Indian context. CSDS-Lokniti surveys have shown that the desire to have a decisive and strong leader is not a new phenomenon. Indian voters always want an active leader for the smooth functioning of the political-institutional system. This is the reason why both Prime Minister Narendra Modi (79 per cent approval) and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi (62 per cent approval) emerged as powerful leaders. The desire to have a dynamic and strong leader, in this sense, cannot be seen as a possible disregard for democracy. The Pew report fails to capture this Indian-specific attitude primarily because the focus of the study was comparative in nature.

This is also true about the findings related to military rule. CSDS-Lokniti APU study tells us that the Army is one of the most trusted public institutions in India. The popular trust in the ability of armed forces should not be exaggerated. Respect for the Army and faith in representative democracy are not necessarily conflicting perceptions.

Theory vs practice

The popular imaginations of representative government, we must remember, are different from the official ways in which democracy is defined as a political system. The political class—state institutions, and political parties—defines democracy as an end in itself. Official idioms like ‘world’s largest democracy’ and ‘India as mother of democracy stem from this political imagination.

The findings of the Pew report, however, introduce us to people’s meanings of democracy. They remind us that democracy as a political value is deeply rooted in the cultural life of Indian communities. It determines their electoral choices and encourages them to participate actively in the political system. However, popular perceptions do not always remain fixed and stable. People do not theorise democracy; instead, they practise it in a variety of ways. Hence, the elusive search for a permanent, politically correct, and coherent popular meaning of democracy is futile and meaningless. The Pew report underlines this ever-evolving tendency of popular democracy in the Indian context.

Hilal Ahmed is a scholar of political Islam and associate professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), New Delhi. He tweets @Ahmed1Hilal. Views are personal.

(Edited by Humra Laeeq)

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2 COMMENTS

  1. Thoughts go to an incident from 1977, after the emergency had been lifted. After the election speeches, volunteers moved through the crowd, soliciting donations. One old man opened his handkerchief and took out a few four anna coins. That is when, a journalist covering the event reported, he figured Mrs Gandhi had lost the election.

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