New Delhi: When Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched the BJP manifesto at the party office, he presented a development narrative aimed at India’s aspirational class. He spoke of transforming India into a manufacturing hub for semiconductors and promoting job creation through investment. “Jinko koi nahi poocha, unko Modi pujta hai (Those who are ignored, Modi worships),” he said. However, just a week later, he stirred controversy with divisive rhetoric about Muslims and mangalsutras.
Speaking at a rally in Rajasthan’s Banswara Sunday, the PM claimed that if the Congress came to power it would redistribute people’s wealth to Muslims and “not even spare your mangalsutra”. He also alluded to former PM Manmohan Singh’s 2006 remark that to share equitably in the fruits of development, minorities should have the first claim on resources, offering his own interpretation. “Should your hard-earned money go to infiltrators? Do you approve of this?” Modi asked. To bolster this argument, BJP IT cell convenor Amit Malviya later posted four excerpts from Manmohan Singh’s past speeches on X to highlight the Congress’ purported “preference for Muslims”.
The PM’s Banswara speech sparked outrage and a complaint from the Congress to the Election Commission for allegedly stoking communal tensions. But such rhetoric has become a staple of the 2024 Lok Sabha campaign. According to BJP sources, this shift is strategic, as issues like development and corruption aren’t enough to rally their base.
“Two factors are behind the BJP’s reconfiguration of strategy,” said a senior BJP leader, speaking to ThePrint on condition of anonymity.
“The first is that the election is now entering the Hindi heartland states where the BJP’s actual strength lies. Unlike the south, where such issues have not helped the party much except for pockets of Karnataka, we are confident that the Ram Temple inauguration has reawakened our core Hindutva constituency.”
The second factor, the leader added, is that this core constituency needs more rousing “despite enthusiasm among voters”. He pointed to a decline in voting percentage in the first phase of elections, from 70 percent in 2019 to 65.5 percent in 2024, with some Hindi heartland states experiencing a decline of six to eight percent on many seats
“It was realised that workers to voters are convinced that Modi is returning. However, voter fatigue and disinterest were reflected in our feedback. That is why it was necessary to energise our cadre and voters by invoking emotive issues,” he said. “In 2004, the party cadre was convinced that Atal Bihari Vajpayee would return, leading to complacency in booth efforts. Learning from this, we must enthuse our cadre and voters.”
However, in addition to this, Rajasthan-based political expert Tribhuvan told ThePrint that the BJP, facing attacks from the opposition over allegedly wanting to change the Constitution and do away with reservation, might be using communal issues to shift focus and portray itself as safeguarding resources of Dalits and OBCs.
At a rally in Rajasthan’s Tonk-Sawai Madhopur constituency Tuesday, notably, Modi said that the Congress wanted to “steal” reservations from Dalits and backward classes and give them to a “khaas jamaat” (special community).
Both of Modi’s recent speeches targeting Muslims were delivered in Rajasthan, where the BJP is encountering tough competition on several seats.
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Shifting strategy
Prime Minister Modi kicked off his 2024 Lok Sabha campaign by targeting Congress’ dynasty politics and corruption. Indeed, most of his speeches in South India focused on these issues, particularly while taking potshots at the DMK in Tamil Nadu, where the BJP is aiming for big gains.
However, as the election shifted focus to the Hindi heartland states, Modi has increasingly banked on the tried-and-tested strategy of Hindutva polarisation. For instance, at a 6 April rally in Uttar Pradesh’s Saharanpur, which has a significant Muslim population, the PM compared the Congress to the Muslim League while criticising its manifesto.
Then, a day after the controversial Banswara speech, Home Minister Amit Shah also referenced Manmohan Singh’s 2006 speech at a rally in Kanker, Chhattisgarh. “The property belonging to monasteries and temples across the country… where will that money go? Remember Manmohan Singh, he said that the minority has the first right on money, revenue, and resources,” he said.
Both Modi and Shah have offered this interpretation of the Congress manifesto, which says it will address inequality of wealth and income through policy changes and that minorities will receive their fair share of opportunities in education, healthcare, employment, skill development, sports, and cultural activities.
BJP leaders acknowledge that the Congress manifesto has given “ammunition” to the party to “enthuse” its cadres.
The government’s track record of development, India’s rising stature and Modi’s leadership have laid a solid foundation for victory, party sources added, but it’s not enough for the kind of show of strength—400 seats— the BJP is aiming for.
“The party cannot risk its electoral maths by depending only on the development narrative,” said another BJP leader. “The inauguration of the Ram Mandir has deepened trust among the party’s core voters, but it needs to be augmented with more emotive issues. The Defence Minister has highlighted issues like PoK and Pakistan, but they haven’t gained much traction on the ground. The 2019 Lok Sabha campaign was based on nationalism, particularly after the surgical strike galvanised the whole country, but with those issues no longer at the forefront, the party can’t only rely on developmental pitches.”
A BJP leader from Rajasthan, where the party came to power last December, told ThePrint that in the first phase of voting for 12 Lok Sabha seats, Jaipur, Sri Ganganagar, Jhunjhunu, Sikar, and Alwar saw a decrease in voting by six to eight percent despite the BJP’s efforts to increase turnout.
On the issue of low voter turnout, Narayan Lal Panchariya, head of the BJP Rajasthan election management team, said that the party has instructed all units not to try to increase the percentage in the next round.
‘Constitution debate’ as a factor
The charged rhetoric of the BJP leadership isn’t just about rallying its cadres, political experts who spoke to ThePrint said.
“Hindu pride is the core of the BJP’s ideology and so the Prime Minister is resorting to it. It’s not just to enthuse the party’s cadres but to save its core vote bank,” said Hindu College professor and political expert Chandrachur Singh.
Senior political expert from Rajasthan Tribhuvan added that there is pressure on the BJP on various fronts, including its “400 paar” vow and the opposition leveraging backlash from Dalit and tribal communities over calls from various leaders about changing the Constitution. Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav, for instance, claimed that the BJP wanted to make a new Constitution to “finish the reservation given to the backwards, Dalits, and minorities”
“This issue could potentially damage the BJP, so the Prime Minster is picking up (communal) issues to draw away attention,” he said. “The argument that the Congress wants to redistribute resources among Muslims is aimed to appeal to the backward and OBC base of the BJP.”
(Edited by Asavari Singh)