India's centrality in the Indo-Pacific trade architecture should have made New Delhi launch IPEF much before US President Joe Biden did. It can still be a rule maker.
China has invested $1.4 billion in the strategically located project. But the Rajapaksa govt wants India to invest in the potential metropolis, which is Sri Lanka's first SEZ.
China insists that BRI projects, of which CPEC is the centerpiece, are strictly vetted for environmental impacts and meant to benefit the locals. But in practice, it has fallen short.
Xi Jinping wants obedient clients, not independent partners. Galwan had to be the place where it finally dawned on India that ties with China are only possible with military strength.
Xi Jinping may like to believe that modern China is the centre of global power structure. But Covid-19 has poured cold water over all its military and economic calculations.
China's strategic competitors, including India, are trying to contest its public health outreach. But as of now, countries in South Asia do not have an alternative to China.
Indian and foreign media may have missed it but the US-India joint statement will most certainly be scrutinised closely by Beijing for anti-China content.
I was surprised when Andhra Pradesh minister Nara Lokesh and Deputy Chief Minister Pawan Kalyan advocated for Hindi—at a time when states like Tamil Nadu and Karnataka are opposing its imposition.
Mini deal will likely see no cut in 10% baseline tariff on Indian exports announced by Trump on 2 April, it is learnt, but additional 26% tariffs are set to be reduced.
BJP has no dynastic succession, at least not at the top. You can trace this back to Vajpayee-Advani era. This act of spotting, empowering younger talent is even more striking with the choice of BJP presidents.
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