I have come here today for one specific purpose: your Assembly election. This election is important not only for you but for the entire country.
You have seen how the country was governed over the past five or six years, especially from the beginning of 1975 until 1977, when the Emergency was imposed upon the nation. Democracy was destroyed—almost wiped out. It barely survived in name. That is why, after all, elections had to be held.
But the oppression of the people was so severe that no one could speak. Anyone who raised their voice against the government was crushed—thrown into jail or hounded until their lives were ruined. There were countless such cases. More than a lakh people were imprisoned. Yet not a word appeared in the newspapers. No one knew who had been arrested or where they had been taken.
The ruling party did little except defame the Opposition. Whatever went wrong over those five or six years, whatever the government failed to do, the blame was placed on the Opposition. They even claimed that the Emergency had been imposed because the Opposition wanted to incite violence. That was the excuse they offered.
But the fact remains: the Emergency was imposed.
That is why the then Prime Minister’s election was set aside by the Allahabad High Court. The unlawful acts she had committed could not be defended under the law. She was in a position where she would have had to step down.
Instead of doing so, the Emergency was imposed. People like us were imprisoned, and arbitrary laws were pushed through Parliament in violation of our Constitution.
No one in the Opposition was allowed to speak. Newspapers could not publish freely. Restrictions were imposed on the press. Laws were enacted so that no complaint could be taken to court. Even the authority of the courts was taken away.
The country was reduced to such fear, and yet they claimed they had established peace. But what use is the peace of a cremation ground? The peace with which you are sitting here today—that is real peace. But peace maintained by lathis, bullets and repression is the peace of the cremation ground. It is not the peace of free human beings. It is not life.
Then, when elections were announced in January last year, the Janata Party came into being. They had to release us. Even then, they did not release everyone at once; people were released little by little, in batches. Fairness was never their way.
But the moment we were released, we came together. Within a week we formed the Janata Party. Five different political parties—parties that had worked separately, fought one another and opposed one another—came together and became one party: the Janata Party.
The people had been urging us for three or four years: “Act wisely. As long as the Opposition remains divided, it cannot defeat the government, and the country will continue to suffer. For the sake of the nation, unite your thinking. Those who believe in democracy should come together as one party.”
That is how one party came into being. Then, after the election, on 1 May, it was formally constituted. The five constituent parties dissolved themselves into it. They ceased to exist as separate organisations.
Today there is no BLD, no Jana Sangh, no Congress (O), no Socialist Party and no CFD. There is only the Janata Party.
Because it was created at the people’s urging, the Janata Party resolved to set aside its separate ideologies and follow the path shown by Mahatma Gandhi. Thirty years of experience had taught us that once we strayed from that path, the country suffered greatly. India continued to decline.
So we returned to Gandhiji’s path. The people gave the Janata Party an overwhelming mandate and entrusted it with the responsibility of governing the country.
As soon as we came to power, we removed every restriction that had been imposed on the people, on the press and on the courts. Everyone became free once again.
Today newspapers are free to write whatever they wish. At times they write things that are unfair or even incorrect. But we do not interfere. A free press must have the freedom to write what it believes. If it acts irresponsibly, let the people judge it.
In this way, we restored everyone’s freedom. We also changed our approach to development, because unless the condition of the people improves, the country cannot progress.
Nearly 80 per cent of our people live in villages. Unless their lives improve, India can never truly prosper.
To improve the condition of the country, we decided to give much greater attention to agriculture—to expand irrigation, ensure the supply of fertilisers, provide better seeds, and increase agricultural production in every possible way.
We also decided to promote village industries—small industries suited to rural areas, producing goods that people need—so that everyone would have work and no one would remain unemployed. That is the course we have taken.
After we came to power at the Centre, Congress had been decisively defeated in several states—completely wiped out in some, and reduced by nearly 90 per cent in others. It was clear that the people had lost confidence in those governments. That is why we held fresh elections.
Their five-year term had already ended, but by taking advantage of the Emergency they had extended it to six years. Had they not done so, elections would have been held there earlier.
We did not hold elections in Assam because the Janata Party had not received comparable support here in the Lok Sabha election. Out of fourteen seats, we won only four. Although there were many allegations of corruption against the state ministry, we still did not call elections.
We have decided that unless there is clear evidence, we do not want to dismiss any elected government.
Our principle is that states should be governed through the representatives chosen by the people. If a government fails and has to be removed, President’s Rule should be imposed only to conduct fresh elections—not for governing the state—and certainly not for more than two months.
In the past, President’s Rule was imposed whenever it suited those in power. It happened repeatedly. Many states were simply suppressed in this manner. We have changed that.
That is why, despite the many complaints against the government in Assam, we did not dissolve it. But now six years have passed, and elections have become unavoidable. Today those elections are before you.
The same elections are being held in five other states. In the states that voted earlier, in June, the people gave the Janata Party overwhelming support, just as they had in the Lok Sabha election. Everywhere except one or two states, Janata governments were formed—in other words, governments chosen by the people.
Now Assam, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya are voting. You must decide into whose hands the government of Assam should be entrusted: the Janata Party’s, or those who ruled before.
And even they have split into factions. Splitting parties had become a habit with the former Prime Minister. She first divided the Congress in 1969, and now even the Congress she herself led has split once again.
Even today you can see the same thing. They say all kinds of things. I cannot understand why. But what else can those hungry for power do?
Earlier they constantly maligned the Opposition. They called us whatever they pleased. They blamed every evil in the country on us. In Parliament, the Opposition was not even allowed to speak fully or have its voice heard. That was how the country was run.
Today the Janata Party has received such overwhelming public support, while they suffered a crushing defeat. Yet they still claim that the Janata Party has ruined the country and that conditions are worse than ever.
Do you believe that? You are the witnesses. You are the ones who must decide. I do not ask you to believe something merely because I say it. Judge for yourselves.
The former Prime Minister still says that the Emergency was right, and she has no regret even today. You will hear her say so during this election campaign as well.
But the whole world knows that the Emergency was wrong. Our own people rejected it—that is why they removed her from power. Yet she still insists that the Emergency was justified and that conditions today are worse than they were then.
She even says the press is not free. If even one newspaper editor were to say that, I might believe it. But how is the press not free? Newspapers write whatever they wish—including criticism of us. It is broadcast on the radio as well.
During the Emergency, our names disappeared completely from radio broadcasts and even from the newspapers. For two years, every effort was made to ensure that no one could even hear our voices.
Yet today they repeat the same allegations. What else can they say? They claim the Janata Party is against the poor, against the Harijans, against the Muslims. They try to mislead these communities. That has always been their way.
You can see how the Janata Party is governing today. We assure everyone that we will protect the rights of every citizen equally. That is why we are setting up a Minorities Commission. That is why we are creating a commission for the Harijans and the tribal communities.
We are also examining what should be done for the backward classes. A committee or commission will be set up for them as well. This is how the Janata Party works—to inspire confidence among the people.
You may also hear that atrocities against Harijans have increased under Janata Party rule. I know that such incidents do occur in some places. It pains me. It is a matter of shame for me. But they are fewer than they were under the previous government.
Those who refuse to speak the truth will naturally say otherwise. They keep repeating that everything has become worse. They try to win support in this way. They also try to mislead Muslims. But I do not believe people will be misled. As time passes, people can see for themselves what is happening.
We have resolved that within five years we must create conditions in which untouchability disappears completely. Anyone who commits atrocities will face strict action. We will act firmly enough that no one dares to repeat such acts.
We have instructed every government official that if atrocities are committed against Harijans in the area under their charge, and they fail to stop them, they too will be removed from service. Everywhere, we are proceeding with the greatest care.
The system we inherited had become so corrupted that corruption was everywhere. Wherever you looked, there was corruption. Such a system cannot be reformed overnight. You know how difficult it is to break bad habits. So if reforms take time, people say, “Nothing is happening.” That is not true.
We have corrected many things, though much still remains to be done. The economy too had been badly damaged. Deficit financing had been expanded so much that it drove up prices, and its effects are still being felt. But the measures we have taken are now beginning to show results.
We liberalised the movement of wheat. We did the same for rice. Earlier, transporting rice from one place to another was prohibited. We removed those restrictions, and now it can move freely.
When we took that decision, those who had been running the government opposed it. Some of their own supporters benefited from those restrictions, because they kept the price of rice artificially high. They opposed us, but we did not give in. We removed the restrictions, and today you can see that the price of rice has fallen. That is the result.
So who was responsible for rising prices—them or us? You can judge for yourselves.
Many more measures are still needed to bring prices down. But prices cannot be brought down suddenly. They must come down gradually, so that the economy remains stable. That is the course we are following.
Whatever we cannot produce in sufficient quantities at home, we import. Take edible oil, for example. Its price has also come under control. Mustard oil, which had risen above ₹10 and even reached ₹12 or ₹14, was first brought down to ₹10. Now it has fallen to ₹8.50, and with the new harvest arriving, it should fall even further.
That is how we are moving forward—carefully, in every sphere. Both the machinery of government and the economy had been badly damaged, and we are working steadily and systematically to put both right.
We want the people to understand this and to support us with full awareness. We do not want to mislead the public. To make false promises is one of the greatest betrayals of the people. That is what we believe.
As long as the people have confidence in us, we will remain in office. The day we lose their confidence, we shall step down ourselves. You will not have to remove us. That is our way.
The day I realise that you no longer have faith in me, I will not remain in office for even a minute. I say this to you with complete conviction, because that is our principle.
We need your confidence—but we must also deserve it. I do not want your trust unless we are worthy of it. That is why we are working hard: to become even more deserving of the faith you have placed in us.
The trust you have shown us demands that we become even more careful and even more worthy. And if we make mistakes, I want you to tell us. We will correct them.
That is why we want the people to be strong and fearless. We want to make them so strong that no government would ever dare to play with them or suppress them. We want the people to possess that kind of strength. Everything we do is directed towards that goal.
Every one of our brothers and sisters—even the poorest among them—should fear no one. They should bow before no one. They should work with courage and with self-respect. They should steadily rise out of poverty and receive a fair return for their labour. That is the kind of society we want to build, and that is why we are working so hard.
Because we believe that power does not belong to us. If there is a government, it belongs to the people. It exists for the benefit of the people. It exists for their protection. Government should serve the people—not those who happen to govern.
That is why our foremost duty is to make the people strong.
I want to see the day when even the poorest person, from the humblest place, will have the courage to tell me—or even the President, or anyone else in high office—”Mind how you speak. This will not do.”
The day people acquire that courage, this country will have nothing left to fear.
For centuries we have lost that courage. We became a fearful people, and we have suffered because of it. During the Emergency, that fear reached its highest point.
Now people are beginning to recover their courage. That makes me happy. But they have not yet become fully fearless. That courage still has to be restored.
For that I seek your support. I seek your help. If you support the Janata Party in this task, we will be able to create that new atmosphere much more quickly. I have no doubt about that.
As I have said, the strength of the people is our strength.
What strength do I have by myself? None. Only your trust, your affection and your strength enable me to do the work you expect of me. That is why you must become strong. This is our highest duty, and we are carrying it out. But we need your support. Without it, we cannot succeed. And if we do not have it, we should step aside.
That is why this election gives you an opportunity to make the Janata Party victorious. We are contesting throughout the state. The Janata Party has fielded 117 candidates, while another nine seats have been left to our allies. In all, candidates supported by the Janata Party are contesting 126 constituencies.
Selecting candidates is not an easy task. More than 700 people sought Janata Party nominations. That itself shows the confidence people have in the party.
But only one candidate can be chosen for each constituency. We cannot nominate seven or eight people for a single seat. Naturally, the one who is selected is pleased, while those who are not may feel disappointed. If they complain that the decision was wrong, I can understand that.
But in the end, only one person can be chosen. Once the selection has been made, everyone has a duty to forget their grievances, strengthen the Janata Party and work wholeheartedly for it.
I hope every party worker will do exactly that. And if some do not, I have faith that the people themselves will teach them a lesson.
I want the people to understand this clearly. I do not want you to act merely because I tell you to. I want you to use your own judgment. Your strength grows only when you think for yourselves instead of placing blind faith in someone else.
That is why I say: listen to everyone, and then do what your own conscience tells you is right. That has always been my appeal to you. Only then will the country become stronger. Only then will we move forward.
So in this election too, if after hearing everyone you find yourself convinced by what I have said, and if you agree with me, then it becomes your duty to make the Janata Party victorious. That is why I speak to you in this way.
We must conduct our election campaign in the same spirit. Every party has the right to field its candidates. I cannot tell anyone not to contest. Let them contest. In the end, it is for the people to decide whom they will support and whom they will reject.
I believe that anyone who looks fairly at what the Janata Party has done so far will admit that, given the circumstances we inherited, we have done all that could reasonably be done. But we are not satisfied. We want to achieve much more.
Especially in the economy—in production, employment and prices—everything is interconnected. Production must increase. The cost of production must fall. Only then will prices stabilise. Only then will prices come down. Only then will ordinary people find relief.
At the same time, government expenditure must remain disciplined. The government must not finance itself simply by printing currency. It should spend only what it legitimately earns through taxes, loans and other revenues. It should not depend on deficit financing.
It was excessive printing of money that drove prices up. It weakened our economy. We want to put an end to it. But the damage is so great that it cannot be undone overnight.
You may want immediate results, and I understand that. But we can only do what is realistically possible. Trying to do too much at once would only cause greater harm. That is why we need both patience and hard work. We are doing both.
I believe the people understand this.
Some try to provoke the public by saying that the Janata Party is divided by internal differences, that it will soon split apart. It is the Opposition that says this. They hope that if the Janata Party breaks up, they will benefit.
But what kind of thinking is that—that one should profit only if someone else is destroyed?
We do not think that way. We want them to become stronger, just as we want to become stronger. The people should support whomever they choose. I will never stop you from voting for the candidate you believe is right. That is your decision.
That is why I say this election is of great importance to the country. The way you vote, and the way you conduct yourselves during this election, will determine whether the country moves forward or stands still.
There is one more thing. Elections cost money. We want to spend as little as possible. We do not believe in wasteful expenditure. In fact, we would rather lose an election than win by spending irresponsibly.
But some expenditure is unavoidable. Our candidates are not wealthy people. That is why I ask you to help meet their election expenses.
Wherever I went during the Lok Sabha election, people contributed generously. We had enough to meet our expenses without difficulty.
So I make the same appeal to the people of Assam today. Contribute whatever you can—even one rupee, five rupees or ten rupees. We do not need large donations. If everyone contributes even a rupee or two, our needs will be met.
And there is another benefit. When you contribute, you become personally invested in the cause. That strengthens your commitment.
So I ask you once again: support us in this way as well, and give the Janata Party a decisive victory.
Whether you fulfil this hope of mine or not is entirely your decision. You are free. I will never tell you, “You must do as I say.” Nor do I wish to speak ill of anyone.
But compare the way the country was governed before the Janata Party came to power in Delhi with the way it is governed today. Then judge for yourselves.
When the very person who imposed the Emergency says that it benefited the country, and even suggests that it should return, think about what that would mean. If it came back, it would return with even greater force—and escaping it the next time would be far more difficult.
It was her mistake to announce elections in January. Had she not done so, democracy itself would have died. I have no doubt about that.
But I do not believe God will allow this country to perish. No one has ever been able to destroy India. Even a figure like Ravana could not do so. Who, then, will destroy it now?
I believe India’s future lies ahead.
There was a time, centuries ago, when our country enjoyed immense prestige throughout the world. We possessed a great civilisation, a great language, and a prosperous nation. Yet our ambition was never to rule over others, but to serve them. That remains our ideal even today.
We do not wish to dominate anyone. We do not seek anyone else’s territory. We do not want even an inch of another country’s land. That is our conviction.
That is why India’s standing in the world is rising once again. Distinguished visitors have come here from America, Ireland and Iran. Our friendships with them have grown stronger, and we have resolved to help one another.
When I visited Moscow, I found the same spirit of friendship. Our relations remained cordial, misunderstandings were removed, and our relationship continued on the basis of equality. That gives us great satisfaction and hope.
We want friendship with every country. We wish to build friendships, not break them. That has always been India’s policy. Even if it demands sacrifice, we shall uphold it. We will never try to destroy another nation’s friendships. That has always been India’s way. India must become prosperous.
India must become prosperous. Within ten years—and nearly one year has already passed—we want to build a country where no one remains unemployed.
More than that, by following the path shown by Mahatma Gandhi, we want to build a nation free from discrimination, free from untouchability, where our tribal brothers and sisters enjoy equality with everyone else, and where the poor and the disadvantaged live with dignity and self-respect.
That is what we are working for. I believe we can achieve it, because this land has the strength to do so.
Once that strength awakens, India will be able to serve the whole world. Today even the richest nations live in fear—in an age of giant industries and nuclear weapons, they do not know what the future holds. They fear catastrophe.
Our task is to help free the world from that fear by building friendship among nations. But before we can do that, we must first build such a society in our own country.
For that, we need your help. Through this election, you can strengthen us. You can help us fulfil that mission. That is why I ask you to give the Janata Party candidates an overwhelming victory.
I have placed my thoughts before you. Think about them. Listen to others as well. Hear what the Opposition has to say. I do not want anyone to disrupt another person’s meeting. Every public meeting should be conducted peacefully. That is what we believe.
If we conduct ourselves properly, others too will eventually follow. That is my faith. We must demonstrate it through our own conduct.
If I have failed to explain myself clearly, that is my fault—not yours. But if, after reflecting on what you have heard, you agree with me, then I appeal to you to give the Janata Party an overwhelming mandate.
Today you welcomed me warmly and listened to me with great patience and peace. For that, I am deeply grateful.
May the Janata Party always remain worthy of your trust. We shall continue to work hard for that. And today I ask you—the people, who are sovereign—for your blessings, so that we may have the strength and wisdom to continue serving you.
That is my prayer.
This is part of ThePrint’s Great Speeches series. It features speeches and debates that shaped modern India.