The recent passage of the Women’s Reservation Bill in Parliament has once again highlighted a concerning trend in Indian politics. The Bharatiya Janata Party government appears to be setting the narrative in the country, with opposition parties often aligning with the Centre’s stance on crucial issues.
The Narendra Modi government is bringing legislation that the opposition just can’t afford to stall. The 2019 Ayodhya judgment, Goods and Services Tax (GST), Women’s Reservation Bill, and quota for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) are examples. This pattern was evident across all these incidents — demonstrating a growing Leviathan influence of the ruling party on the political discourse.
When the opposition parties align too closely with the government, the trust and confidence of those who seek an alternative vision get eroded. It not only leaves these citizens feeling marginalised but also weakens the checks and balances that are crucial for a thriving democracy.
Also read: Why India won’t see women’s reservation in effect until 2039—it’s about trickery
Expediency over principle
The Women’s Reservation Bill, aimed at guaranteeing 33 per cent representation to women in both the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, is undoubtedly a significant step toward gender equality in Indian politics. However, what raises eyebrows is the almost unanimous support it received, particularly from opposition parties that had initially voiced concerns regarding the exclusion of women from Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in this Bill.
It is surprising that parties like the Congress, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), Samajwadi Party (SP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which initially demanded the inclusion of OBCs in the ambit of women’s reservation, ultimately refrained from proposing any amendments to the Bill. Only the two Lok Sabha MPs from the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) voted against it. This unanticipated alignment of the opposition with the BJP’s stance raises questions about the conviction of these opposition parties.
The willingness of opposition parties to back a Bill that falls short of their initial demands suggests a possible prioritisation of political expediency over principle. It appears as if they have succumbed to the dominant narrative set by the ruling government and forgone their original demands in order to avoid political confrontation.
Also read: Modi’s Women’s Reservation Bill has an OBC-sized oversight. Undermines inclusivity, fairness
2019 all over again
The passage of the EWS Bill also got bipartisan support in a similar manner. The Bill, introduced before the 2019 Lok Sabha election, took many by surprise. Introduced seemingly in haste, it carried significant implications — amending the Constitution to provide reservation for economically disadvantaged sections of the population that are not covered under Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST), and OBC categories. In fact, this reservation is actually for the ‘upper’ caste only. For the first time, economic criteria were introduced as a mark of backwardness.
What made this legislation particularly noteworthy was the element of stealth with which it was introduced. Opposition parties, caught off guard, were not adequately informed about the impending Bill, leaving them with limited time to formulate a coordinated response. In the absence of a united front, the BJP government had a clear advantage that allowed them to navigate the passage of the Bill with relative ease. Only the DMK took a vocal stance against it.
The absence of substantial opposition to the EWS quota from other major political parties underscored a broader trend in Indian politics. It created a scenario wherein the BJP appeared to be taking the lead in shaping critical legislation, while other parties, in comparison, seemed to be merely clapping along, lacking the collective will or strategy to challenge the government’s agenda effectively. This situation not only emphasised the BJP’s adeptness at steering narratives but also raised questions about the efficacy and assertiveness of the opposition in holding the ruling party accountable.
When the Ayodhya judgment was delivered by the Supreme Court the same year, a similar pattern emerged. The decision was framed in the context of the Union government’s unequivocal support for the construction of the Ram Mandir. While several opposition leaders expressed reservations about the timing and execution of the move, their responses lacked the vigour and coherence required to present a compelling counter-narrative. The Congress, in fact, tried very hard to claim that the judgment was a culmination of a process that it itself started. Just after the judgment came, the party emphasised that the Supreme Court’s decision should not be a matter of credit or discredit for any individual, group, community, or political party. The party highlighted that the Congress government initially acquired the entire disputed land through the Ayodhya Act in 1993.
The CPI(M), while welcoming the verdict, also asserted that there were certain premises of the judgment that were questionable. They said that since the verdict itself pointed out that the demolition of the Babri Masjid in December 1992 was a violation of the law, the cases pertaining to the demolition should be expedited and the guilty punished.
This void has allowed the BJP to effectively shape the discourse surrounding a decision of immense cultural and historical significance.
Shifting stances
Consider the aftermath of the Babri Masjid demolition of 1992 when BJP-led state governments faced dismissal. Subsequently, in the ensuing elections, BJP’s electoral performance was far from impressive, particularly in Uttar Pradesh. In a surprising turn of events, the SP and BJP formed a pre-poll alliance, and a slogan gained popularity: “Mile Mulayam Kanshiram, Hawa mein udh gaye Jai Shri Ram”. This slogan underscored that even Hindus voted for an alliance that raised voices against the sanctity attributed to the god Rama.
However, the same parties now appear reluctant to take a strong stance against the government’s unflinching support for the construction of the Ram temple at the disputed site. This shift in posture raises questions about the opposition’s ability to maintain consistent principles in the face of evolving political landscapes.
We’ve observed almost synchronised actions between the opposition — except for the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) — and the government regarding the introduction of the GST Act in 2017. Similarly, when the Union government encroached upon the domains of state governments by centralising entrance tests for medical, engineering, and law admissions, the opposition parties—except for the DMK—voiced their support or remained silent.
The BJP has succeeded in dictating the terms of discussion on matters of national importance. It is true that it has become a system-defining party after the 2014 General election.
Rahul Verma and Asim Ali have argued that the BJP’s resounding victories in 2014 and 2019 have solidified India’s political landscape into what some term a “BJP-dominant system”. According to them, this assertion isn’t solely based on electoral successes; it’s underscored by the BJP’s robust organisational infrastructure and charismatic leadership. Bolstered by a well-established cadre base and substantial financial resources, coupled with influence and control over media and communication channels—both traditional and social media—the BJP effectively steers political discourse. Additionally, due to a fragmented opposition, the ideological alignment of India’s average voter now leans closer to the BJP’s standpoint, despite occasional electoral setbacks in certain states. Therefore, the BJP enjoys immense power to set the agenda and narrative.
However, the opposition has an important role to play by raising issues and providing counter-narratives to the BJP’s agenda. And that is where it is failing today.
Loss of faith in the system
Indeed, this prevailing pattern leaves a significant portion of the electorate feeling disenchanted and without viable alternatives in terms of political narratives. A substantial segment of the population, representing over 60 per cent of voters who did not cast their ballots in favour of the BJP, finds themselves in a precarious position.
The opposition’s unflinching alignment with the government can lead to a sense of betrayal and loss of faith in the political system. When the opposition fails to offer a robust counter-narrative or challenge the government’s agenda, it leaves these voters feeling inadequately represented and unheard. This situation ultimately hinders the democratic process, as the diversity of opinions and perspectives that should be the cornerstone of a healthy democracy are not adequately reflected.
Dilip Mandal is the former managing editor of India Today Hindi Magazine, and has authored books on media and sociology. He tweets @Profdilipmandal. Views are personal.
(Edited by Humra Laeeq)