Now that the committee on the Lingayat row has submitted its report recommending ‘religious minority’ status, state govt must urgently present a roadmap.
Can the Karnataka elections kickstart the process for the Congress to return to the helm as India’s opposition party in Parliament in 2019? Karnataka has not re-elected any party for consecutive terms since 1985. But given the Congress’s slow but steady recovery and the position it confidently holds in Karnataka, there is some hope that it will fight back the raging chariots of BJP’s Hindutva.
North Karnataka holds the key
The region of north Karnataka is emerging as a key battleground. It often holds the key to election outcomes and formation of governments in the state. The region also tends to vote largely in one direction.
The march of the Congress, with its agenda of subdued Hindutva and its attempt to hire propagandists, is boosting Siddaramaiah’s political valour, putting the BJP in a quandary.
In his second round of campaigning, Rahul Gandhi has put his focus on this region, known as ‘Mumbai Karnataka’, which has long been a bastion of the Congress. This is where the party had suffered considerable loss in the parliamentary elections. The region comprises Belagavi, Chikkodi, Vijayapura, Bagalkot and Dharwad. In the 2013 assembly elections, Congress had bagged 34 of 56 seats and kept the BJP out of the region.
Rahul invokes Basavanna
Rahul was part of the largest all-women rally in Tikota. He also took pains to evaluate the work of party legislators in a region which, for a long time, fought to rectify regional disparity.
In this leg of his tour, the Congress president tried to impress the people of the region by speaking a lot about the vachanas of 12th century reformer Basavanna, who is also the icon of the Lingayats. In Athani (Belagavi district) and Tikota (Vijayapura district), he spoke extensively on the ideals preached by Basavanna and their influence on Congress party’s belief in inclusive growth. He even took a dig at PM Narendra Modi, saying those who do not follow Basavanna’s principles have no moral right to take his name.
Quoting “Ivanaravva Ivanaravva…Iva namava Iva Namava” (Accept him as our own, do not question who he is), he said the Congress was the only party that believed in harmony among communities.
He constantly compared Siddaramaiah’s achievements in the state with that of Modi. He kept asking voters if Modi had fulfilled his promises on black money, job creation and ending corruption.
The BJP, on the other hand, has been dismissive of the significance of Rahul’s tour in the region. BJP leaders urged him to talk about local issues and not on the failures of Modi at the Centre. The BJP is focussing on its committed workers to micro-manage booth level responsibilities, and continue their door-to-door campaign for consolidation of Hindutva votes, and meeting with representatives of the backward class leaders, spiritual heads and farmers.
The feudal sugar lobby
The BJP appears to have overlooked a critical factor – the feudal families of the sugar factories in the region are the dominant Veerashaiva-Lingayat community. They are supporters of the BJP, although they have their presence in all the parties.
With the Congress raising the issue of ‘minority’ status for the community proactively, it will be tougher for the sugar barons to convince voters to rally behind the BJP.
So, the Hindu consolidation effort alone may not yield the expected results for BJP in the region.
Congress’s Lingayat outreach
The Congress’s decision to corner the BJP on the issues of Veerashaiva-Lingayat and the Mahadayi (also known as Mandovi) river water dispute is an important facet in this election. However, is the Congress speaking on the Lingayat issue from the position of genuine commitment?
Now that the committee on the Veerashaiva-Lingayat row has submitted its report recommending ‘religious minority’ status, there is an urgent need for the government to present a roadmap to the community; otherwise the perception will be that the ruling party is indulging in superficial efforts to garner votes. Many mathas (religious institutions) in the region are up in arms challenging this decision of the committee and the intentions of Congress.
Since Siddaramiah came to power, there has been an increased focus on extending welfare programmes for the OBC community, especially the Kurubas. The Congress party is leaving the Vokkaliga-dominated southern part of the state to the JD(S) and is continuing to focus on the Kurubas in the northern part.
A lot now depends on how the top leadership of the Congress harnesses the success and political strategies of a regional leader like Siddaramiah – even as it tries to wean voters away from Modi’s magic.
Harish Ramaswamy is a professor of political science and a political commentator, teaching in Karnatak University, Dharwad.