It is tragic that violence has continued in Manipur for three months despite the heavy deployment of the Central Armed Police Forces and the Army. The state government did not rise to the occasion—in fact, it failed miserably in the initial stages. The Central government’s response, too, has been inadequate. Home Minister Amit Shah made a three-day visit to Manipur but could not bring all the stakeholders on board. Prime Minister Modi does not appear to have been properly advised on the matter. It was very unfortunate that discussions in Parliament were also unproductive. And so, the conundrum continues.
Not that Manipur has been a stranger to violence. It has had a turbulent history ever since Independence. The state signed an instrument of accession on 11 August 1947 and was only formally merged with the Indian Union on 15 October 1949. Certain ethnic groups, unhappy with the merger, took up arms against the government, and, at different periods of time, tried to seek help from erstwhile East Pakistan and even China.
The important insurgent outfits included the United National Liberation Front (UNLF), People’s Liberation Army of Manipur (PLAM), People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), Manipur People’s Liberation Front (MPLF), and Revolutionary People’s Front. Counter-insurgency operations by the security forces gradually blunted the potential of the various outfits, and several of them entered into a suspension of operations agreement with the Centre.
The colonial fault lines are present nevertheless. Clashes between different ethnic and tribal groups continue to take place. In 1993, Naga militants, allegedly belonging to the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah), massacred about 115 Kuki civilians in the hills of Manipur. This incident, known as the ‘Joupi Massacre’, was named after the village that saw the highest number of killings. Presently, according to South Asia Terrorism Portal, there are seven proscribed extremist groups, eight active insurgent groups, and 17 other dormant insurgent outfits in Manipur.
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Multi-layered troubles
The fault lines are multi-layered—geographic, demographic, and political. Geographically, Meiteis are concentrated in Imphal Valley, while the tribals, mostly Nagas and Kukis, occupy the surrounding hills. Demographically, the population of Meiteis grew by 16 per cent, while that of the tribals grew by 40 per cent between 2011 and 2016. Politically, the Meiteis control 40 assembly seats while the tribals are represented only in 20 seats.
The current spell of violence was triggered on 3 May when a solidarity march by the All Tribal Students’ Union of Manipur turned violent. The students were protesting against an order of the Manipur High Court directing the state government to send a recommendation to the Centre for the inclusion of Meiteis in the Scheduled Tribes (ST) list. There were incidents of rioting, destruction of property, and vandalism of places of worship. Meiteis fled from Kuki-dominated areas and Kukis from Meitei-dominated areas. As of 29 July 2023, 181 people had died, while more than 60,000 people have been internally displaced.
A total of 6,523 FIRs have been registered so far according to information furnished by the state government to the Supreme Court on 7 August. Out of these, 12 are about serious crimes against women, including the case where two Kuki women were paraded naked and one of them gang-raped.
The police have arrested 292 persons so far and taken 17,791 persons for preventive detention. The Biren Singh government has announced to set up 42 special investigation teams (SITs) to investigate the FIRs. The work of the SITs will be supervised by a former deputy national security advisor. Besides, the Supreme Court has constituted a three-women retired high court judges’ team to oversee the measures taken for the relief and rehabilitation of those who suffered in the violence.
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What is the way out?
The situation is indeed very grim. The following suggestions are made in this context.
Accountability will have to be fixed at the highest level. CM Singh cannot escape responsibility for the violent confrontation between the Meiteis and Kukis and the resultant loss of life and property. He has to go. The alternative is to replace him with another Meitei or have President’s Rule in the state. If the latter option is chosen, the Governor should be a no-nonsense person with experience in the Northeast and preferably from the police or the Army.
Senior officers must also be held accountable. There was, as observed by the Supreme Court, a “complete breakdown of law and order and constitutional machinery in Manipur” and the state police had “lost control over the situation”. The extremist elements from both groups had a free run of the armouries. The role of senior police officers, particularly, should be examined and disciplinary action taken wherever there was collusion or abdication of responsibility. It was the same story in Haryana in 2016 when the state police allowed the reservationists to loot and burn at will. The police organisation in the state would need a complete overhaul. The role of the civil servants must also be examined and those found derelict in the performance of their duties must be suitably dealt with.
The Modi government should make it clear that the territorial integrity of Manipur shall not be compromised under any circumstances.
Meiteis have a grievance. They contend that the community was recognised as a tribe before the merger of the princely state of Manipur but lost its identity later. As a result, they are getting marginalised. This should be examined at the highest level and appropriate action taken after considering all the facts and available evidence.
Kukis also have a grievance. They say that the politically dominant Meiteis do not give them a fair deal and defame them as illegal encroachers and drug smugglers. Their demand for a separately administered territory may be considered on merits — but within Manipur borders.
An announcement should be made that all those in illegal possession of factory-made weapons should surrender them within a particular time limit, failing which extensive operations would be undertaken to recover those weapons. Moreover, all such persons found to be in their illegal possession would be dealt with under the National Security Act. According to reports, out of the about 4,500 sophisticated weapons looted, only about 1,195 have been recovered so far. The figures are alarming; the militants must be disarmed.
All areas under poppy cultivation should be ruthlessly destroyed irrespective of the persons, tribes, or politicians supporting such cultivation.
The Modi government must ensure that the neighbouring states are not singed by the flames of Manipur and that there is no infiltration of elements from across the border to fish in the troubled waters.
The desirability of continuing the current arrangement along the India-Myanmar border, which permits the free movement of tribals up to a depth of 16 km on either side, needs to be re-examined. There is every reason to believe that this arrangement is being misused by militants of different hues.
An all-party delegation should go to Manipur, meet the different cross-sections of people, and persuade them all to shun violence and work for peace and harmony among groups that are almost in a state of civil war.
It is going to be a long haul, but a beginning on the above lines should gradually lead to the restoration of normalcy in the state.
The writer was formerly Director General of Police, Assam. Views are personal.
(Edited by Theres Sudeep)