Article 14 of the Indian Constitution states that all people are equal before the law. But this guarantee remains elusive for the Halalkhor caste, a Muslim community engaged in manual scavengers and sanitation work. Despite being subjected to similar untouchability practices as Hindu sweepers from lowered-castes, the Halalkhors are not guaranteed Scheduled Caste status due to religious limitations in Article 341. Let’s explore the social and religious stigmatisation faced by the Halalkhor Pasmanda community, whose struggles are often ignored by Ashraaf leaders, who are quite vocal on larger Hindu-Muslim issues.
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Who are the Halalkhors?
The term Halalkhor literally means one who consumes (khor) that which is lawfully gained (halal). The caste’s traditional occupations include cleaning drains, roads, excreta, playing musical instruments, and weaving winnowing baskets. The origin of the name Halalkhor is subject to various theories. Some argue that the group acquired this name after converting to Islam and abstaining from consuming pork. Another theory suggests that the name is derived from their practice of earning their food through physically demanding labour. But other Muslim castes also engage in similar work. “Halalkhor caste was part of a larger group that was engaged in sanitation work. As we see, Lalbegi Muslims are a class of sweepers who came from northern India,” writes anthropologist Joel Lee. He adds that Ain-e-Akbari, written by Abul Fazl, mentions a ‘Muslim’ caste for the first time — khakrub, meaning dirt or dust sweepers.
Dr Ayub Rayeen, the author of Bharat Ke Dalit Musalman (Dalit Muslims of India), said that the name Halalkhor was first recorded as a caste name during the reign of Akbar. It was during this time that the practice of identifying Muslim communities by their ethnicities began. Several oral traditions link the Halalkhor community to Prophet Muhammad. In one story, a companion of the prophet assisted him when he fell sick and cleaned his vomit and diarrhoea. In return, he was given the title of Sheikh Halalkhor. This tradition continues in Kashmir, where individuals with the suffix ‘Sheikh’ in their names are considered Halalkhor, while those with the prefix ‘Sheikh’ are Ashraaf.
Another story suggests that a man named Hazrat Bilal took up the responsibility of cleaning the quarters of Prophet Muhammad’s wives. Some Halalkhors add ‘Bilali’ to their names to commemorate this story. These stories are important as they link the community to Prophet Muhammad, giving them a sense of ‘honour’.
An alternative theory traces the origins of the Halalkhor community to 14th-century Iran, associating them with the Bhangi community. The book Herufi Nama mentions a man named Fazalullah Halalkhor who lived in Iran in the 1300s and founded a new religion called Herufia. The main followers of this religion were skilled artisans. According to the book’s author, engineer Bashir A Alhaj, Miran Shah, the son of emperor Timur, imprisoned and murdered Fazalullah Halalkhor on charges of blasphemy. His followers were then forced into menial labour, such as cleaning stables, and were referred to as Halalkhors based on their preacher’s name. It is believed that over time, due to their living conditions, this community began consuming Bhang, and thus were also referred to as Bhangi.
Much like the concept of ‘Sankritisation’ in Hindu society, there exists ‘Arabisation’ or ‘Ashraafisation’ in Muslim society. Pasmanda castes often claim descent from Arab society to earn respect from upper-caste Muslims. For example, weavers adopt the title ‘Ansari’, barbers take the title ‘Salmani’; dhunis, those who card cotton, become ‘Mansuri’; butchers are called ‘Qureshi’; washerpeople ‘Hawari’; manihari, bangle makers, ‘Siddiqui’; bhatiyara, brick makers, ‘Faruqi’; gorkan, grave digger, ‘Shah’; and pamaria, folk singers, ‘Abbasi’.
These name changes are attempts to establish a link with Arab society in hopes of gaining respect. But, in reality, they face discrimination because they lack the ancestral lineage, ‘Shijrat’, that the Syeds possess.
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Social conditions of Halalkhor
The Halalkhor community has faced social discrimination and oppression for centuries. “When our forefathers used to go to the mosque they were made to stand in the last row. They used to perform ablution at home as it was forbidden to perform ablution inside the mosque. The upper castes of the village did not like to drink water in our house,” said Naseem Bilal, District President of Dalit Muslim Halalkhor Samaj, Mau, Uttar Pradesh in an earlier interview for my YouTube channel, Pasmanda Democracy.
When asked if they still face discrimination today, he asked back, “You must have heard of Yadav Juice Corner, Chauhan Juice Corner, but have you ever heard of Halalkhor Juice Corner?” He said they can’t use their caste name for such a shop because no one will buy from them. He narrated the tale of his friend Salahuddin Sahab, a retired railways employee who opened a hotel. He said that people used to demean the hotel due to the owner’s caste. He had to close the hotel due to this.
In an interview with retired railway employee Ansar Saheb, he spoke about how Halakhor students hide their identities to avoid discrimination. He added that the level of education in the Halalkhor community is also very low. He alleged that this was by design of the Ashraafs and that they had been kept away so that they could be “enslaved”. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was also not in favour of modern education for the Pasmandas castes.
In the absence of education, no one spoke their mind or questioned the establishments, Sahab said. “When an Ashraaf ulema talks in our colony after eating our chicken, then they preach about equal and compulsory education for every Muslim man and woman. But once this Ulema gets down from the pulpit, they don’t remember any of it,” he said.
The Halalkhor community also experiences other aspects of the Hindu caste structure, such as endogamy, where individuals marry within their own caste.
He said that Muslims are equal in Islam only in theory, in practice society is divided. He adds that this is seen in politics as well. “When a Pasmanda contests elections, he is seen on the basis of caste but when an Ashraaf contests election, he is just a Muslim leader representing all communities,” Saheb said.
And when Pasmandas do stand for election, they are ridiculed for their background and lack of education. Questions are raised about what “these people” will do in Parliament. Slogans like “Allah miya ki marzi, chunaav lade darzi” are popular among Ashraaf. It roughly translates to — the lower caste can compete in elections but God’s will will prevail.
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The need for SC status
Though socially similar to Hindu Dalit communities like Valmikis, Halalkhors do not receive the same treatment in the eyes of the law. Hindu Dalits have Scheduled Caste status, which grants them access to government schemes and welfare measures. Halalkhors and other Pasmanda castes are excluded from SC status, despite BR Ambedkar identifying the Halalkhor caste as untouchable in his 1948 book The Untouchables: Who Were They And Why They Became Untouchables. The 1921 census also recorded Halalkhors as a Scheduled Caste.
The absence of Scheduled Caste status keeps the Halalkhor community trapped in a marginalised state. In October 2022, the central government set up a panel to examine the issue of SC status for Muslim and Christian Dalits. In April this year, the Supreme Court also heard a petition regarding SC status for converted Dalits. For the government to recognise the need for such provisions, it is important to understand that Muslim society is not homogeneous, and casteism, discrimination, and untouchability exist within it, similar to Hindu society.
Reservation serves as an instrument of social justice for these socially excluded castes and contributes to nation-building. It is the first step in ensuring their proportional representation in politics, education, justice, business, and other fields. Granting SC status to Pasmandas, who have faced exclusion, exploitation, disrespect, and deprivation for thousands of years, would provide them with opportunities for improvement and upliftment.
Abdullah Mansoor is a teacher and runs a YouTube channel named Pasmanda Democracy. Views are personal.