Two years since ethnic conflict broke out inManipur, the state is still in turmoil. The second biggest state in the North East, with its rich cultural history, the birthplace of the classical dance form ‘Rasaleela’ and modern polo, Manipur is no stranger to violence and insurgency. With over 35 communities, the state has a long history of ethnic clashes. Even while fighting against the central government, the insurgency movements of the state had different missions.
While Meitei-led insurgents fought for secession from the Union, others wanted autonomous status and a separate identity within the state. Manipur had never presented a united front against the central government because their objectives varied, from total independence to autonomous existence.
It was against this fragmented backdrop that open conflict started between the majority Meiteis and the state’s second-largest ethnic group, the Kukis, two years ago.
Now, since President’s rule has been imposed in the state after the resignation of Chief Minister Biren Singh, it is time for the central government to find political solutions.
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From grievance to violence & mismanagement
The Meiteis, classified in the 1931 Census as ‘Hindu tribals’, make up 52 per cent of Manipur’s population today but are restricted to just 10 per cent of the state’s geographical area, the Imphal valley. They have practically no access to the surrounding 90 per cent of hilly areas, since under Article 371(c) of the Constitution, only local tribals can possess land there. Nothing prevents the Kukis, Nagas, and other tribal communities, whoenjoy this special status, from settling down in the valley, which is already overcrowded with the bulk of the Meitei population as well as illegal immigrants from Myanmar.
While other communities have options, the Meiteis have none. They are confined to the choked Imphal valley. Their grouse is that though they were originally tribals practising an old religion called Sanamahi, their adoption of Vaishnavite Hinduism about 300 years ago has gone against them, as they lost Scheduled Tribe status because of the ‘Hindu’ tag.
The ‘double-engine’ sarkar seemed like the right opportunity to set things right, and Biren Singh was in a tearing hurry to ensure a ‘fair deal’. However, the high court’s March 2023 order, asking the state to consider including Meiteis in the list of STs, coupled with the eviction drive launched in the reserved forests of Manipur’s hills, deepened the hatred and mistrust between the two communities.
The eviction of an entire village called K Songjang in Churachandpur district on 20 February 2023 had preceded the high court order. That the eviction was part of a drive to stop poppy cultivation and illegal settlements in the forests—which had substantially increased after an influx of people from Myanmar’s Chin region post the 2021 military coup—didn’t matter to the Kukis, who justifiably suspected the BJP-led state government’s motives.
It was a tinderbox. The Free Movement Regime along the 400-km Myanmar border was being thoroughly misused by Myanmar Kukis. There was unnatural population growth in Manipur, upsetting the demographic balance. The eviction of Songjang, with all structures including a church demolished without due notice, followed by the high court order, drew the battle lines. What followed was mindless violence by both warring communities.
More than 60,000 people have been displaced and at least 260 killed, with hundreds of churches and temples reportedly damaged as well. The Kukis bore the brunt of the losses. The state government headed by N Biren Singh failed miserably in ensuring law and order. In fact, it seemed to be extending tacit support to the Meiteis in the initial stages, instead of containing and controlling the situation. The Kukis are demanding a court-monitored SIT probe into leaked audio tapes purportedly indicating Biren Singh’s complicity in the series of violent attacks against them.
His reckless public statements, along with the initial inaction that led to nearly 5,000 police weapons being looted by the Meiteis, had totally eroded his government’s credibility.
Meanwhile, the Centre did act by promptly deploying central forces and appointing a police adviser, among other measures. Union Home Minister Amit Shah camped in Imphal for over two days, personally overseeing coordinated operations to manage the situation administratively. But political steps were lacking. The CM remained in office despite his total failure and alleged complicity. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s long silence, and the Centre’s lacklustre attitude in general, only added a communal colour to what was essentially an ethnic conflict over land and illegal immigration.
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Finding a realistic solution
With President’s Rule now in force, the task ahead for the Centre is to deliver a fair, lasting settlement.
There is some legitimacy in the demand of the Meiteis for rights to acquire land outside the valley. But granting ST status to a community that is way ahead politically and economically in the state would be unfair and unacceptable to the Kukis and even the Nagas, as ST status means reservation in jobs, education, and other opportunities. Settlement in the Imphal valley has placed the Meiteis disproportionately ahead of hill tribals in political, administrative, social, and educational spheres. With the added advantages of reservation, the already well-off Meiteis would irrevocably dominate the Kukis and other minorities of the state, and lasting peace would remain a delusion.
The option of granting special status to the Meiteis for the sole purpose of acquiring land anywhere in Manipur may have to be considered. In short, a level playing field has to be ensured for all communities. Illegal immigration and settlements should be stopped. The issue of large-scale unemployment among educated youth should be addressed urgently, as there is hardly any private or public sector investment in the state as of now. Formation of peace committees and rehabilitation of displaced persons should be taken up on priority. And, of course, resolute action and a firm crackdown on those resorting to violence must continue.
KV Madhusudhanan, former Inspector General (IG), was the chief of the North Eastern Sector of the CRPF. Views are personal.