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The last 10 days of our mainstream TV channel debates have all been on the Uniform Civil Code. In a society like ours where there are diverse customs that are well entrenched and not questionable, even if they’re regressive,creating awareness has to be at the top of the list of priorities for any political party that is intent on implementing a reform as big as the Uniform Civil Code. But instead, what we are witnessing here is only politics over it. Nothing but politics over the actual contours of the UCC, which even the ruling party has not yet figured out. It is highly disappointing that a leader as popular as Narendra Modi, who should be leading the discussion, has thus far not shown any serious intent on taking the larger public into confidence. Instead, his speeches thus far indicate mere political rhetoric as a polarising tactic ahead of upcoming state and general elections. The opposition at the national level is still divided and pondering whether to oppose this or support it, leaving millions of people outside expecting a serious debate and discussion on such an important reform in the dark. The news-time debates are conveniently diverted to whose political bait this is, with the anchor comfortably listening to the political slugfest. The self-proclaimed progressive left party in Kerala has come out first, rejecting any reform along the lines of UCC but also taking advantage of the political opportunities on offer. The attempt to wean away the popular Muslim representative party in the state, the India Union Muslim League, from the UDF alliance on this issue is proof of it. By planning to conduct seminars on rejecting such reforms and asking for the participation of all existing Muslim representative political groups, the Communist Party is making it look more like an issue concerning minorities and is laying the groundwork for further polarisation. On the other hand, at the national level, one senior BJP leader has already expressed that certain communities, like the tribes of the North East (which also include Christians), will be exempted, making civil society wonder if this is a reform only aimed at certain communities and beliefs. Ironically, the North East is the hotbed of child marriages, as statistics show. If bringing the tribes of our country into the mainstream through such reforms is the intention, this is just a plain contradiction. While the law on triple talaq deeming it illegal happened after the Supreme Court deemed it illegal in 2017, further reforms have lacked the necessary push from the judiciary, and now with the UCC, the 50-day suggestion window offered to the public by the 22nd Law Commission is largely unnoticed and ineffective amidst all the political clamour and chest thumping. The important reform that is part of UCC, raising the marriage age, has been under scrutiny by a Parliamentary Standing Committee, which has only one lady member (Sushmita Dev). Marriage age has serious consequences for the health of women, their educational advancement, their financial independence, and their parenting, but the committee has only one lady member out of 31 total members. This shows how attempts to reform are not only poorly communicated but also are under-represented, even inside committees. Most of the TV debates have men discussing inheritance issues, even after 38 years of the famous Shah Bano case. It would be a fool’s errand if we were to believe that the current political system in India is consultative and inclusive on social reforms. The Farm Laws were an example, but the current government has not learned the lesson, or maybe they are not interested in going that far. If the political rhetoric and resulting polarisation can get you votes and help your optics, why go beyond it?
These pieces are being published as they have been received – they have not been edited/fact-checked by ThePrint.