On 17 February, the Mahayuti government issued a fresh government resolution formally cancelling all earlier decisions & circulars linked to the 2014 Muslim quota framework.
This census will map both the numbers and the incomes of various caste groups. Thereby providing a basis for those who call to exclude the 'creamy layer' from SC/ST reservation.
Karnataka CM reignites quota debate, backs reservation in the private sector, hinting at raising the cap to 75%, linking opposition to reservation to 'upper caste' entitlement.
A division or district-wise recruitment model will not take away anyone’s rights; it will give meaning to those rights across the map. It will replace competition with fairness.
Under internal reservation matrix, of 17% reservation for SCs, groups such as SC-Right & SC-Left given increased allocation of 6% each, and Category C, or ‘touchables’, given 5%.
New Delhi: The INDIA bloc Wednesday pledged to introduce a law to prevent atrocities against Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs) in poll-bound Bihar, even as...
The CM has for decades been advocating for Kurubas' inclusion in the ST fold, which would not just further consolidate his support base but also become part of his legacy.
Parliamentary panel noted in its report that, as per data from Dept of Higher Education, private HEIs reportedly have 40 percent OBC, 14.9 percent SC, and 5 percent ST students.
Some BPCL contractors challenged guidelines issued by Centre on 18 August 1994. Policy mandates reservation to SC/ST bidders in transport contracts by oil marketing companies.
Morbi makes 80-90% of India’s ceramic exports. The West Asia conflict has cut its propane supply, shutting 200 factories and threatening 400 more—along with 9 lakh livelihoods.
In a first during his tenure as High Commissioner to India, Riaz Hamidullah addressed JOCAP consisting of tri-forces officers, as New Delhi & Dhaka step up normalisation efforts.
Trump has ushered in the age of humiliation. His method is to push around America’s friends rudely and publicly. He knows none of them can afford to fight back.
Reservations in India were created for one specific reason and were purely based on Hindu social structure. It was never about economic poverty. A poor Brahmin never qualified, and that was by design. So let’s not pretend reservations were ever a general social welfare tool. They were surgical and specific.
Even within that specific purpose, reservations have been badly misused. People who have genuinely progressed and moved up in life still cling to them instead of stepping aside for others who are still genuinely struggling. That selfishness has created real social friction that nobody wants to honestly admit.
Now, extending this framework to Muslims is a categorical error. Islam’s entire selling point — especially to lower caste Hindu converts — was equality. No hierarchy, no discrimination, brotherhood of all believers. That was the promise. But what do we actually see? Ashraf Muslims looking down upon Pasmanda Muslims. A hierarchy based on lineage and origin that exists across the entire Muslim world, not just India. This is not a Hindu construct. Manusmriti has nothing to do with Ashraf or Pasmanda. These are entirely different social structures with different origins.
So the argument collapses on itself. You cannot claim Islam gave you equality and simultaneously demand reservations designed for Hindu caste oppression victims. And ironically, by making this demand, the author is actually admitting something her community rarely acknowledges openly — that Islam in practice is not the egalitarian religion it claims to be. The discrimination just comes from a different direction now.
Framing this as “Muslim reservation” to make it palatable is intellectually dishonest. There are genuinely poor and struggling people across all communities including upper caste Hindus who get nothing. If deprivation is the real concern, argue for universal economic criteria. But that is not what this is really about.
Reservations in India were created for one specific reason and were purely based on Hindu social structure. It was never about economic poverty. A poor Brahmin never qualified, and that was by design. So let’s not pretend reservations were ever a general social welfare tool. They were surgical and specific.
Even within that specific purpose, reservations have been badly misused. People who have genuinely progressed and moved up in life still cling to them instead of stepping aside for others who are still genuinely struggling. That selfishness has created real social friction that nobody wants to honestly admit.
Now, extending this framework to Muslims is a categorical error. Islam’s entire selling point — especially to lower caste Hindu converts — was equality. No hierarchy, no discrimination, brotherhood of all believers. That was the promise. But what do we actually see? Ashraf Muslims looking down upon Pasmanda Muslims. A hierarchy based on lineage and origin that exists across the entire Muslim world, not just India. This is not a Hindu construct. Manusmriti has nothing to do with Ashraf or Pasmanda. These are entirely different social structures with different origins.
So the argument collapses on itself. You cannot claim Islam gave you equality and simultaneously demand reservations designed for Hindu caste oppression victims. And ironically, by making this demand, the author is actually admitting something her community rarely acknowledges openly — that Islam in practice is not the egalitarian religion it claims to be. The discrimination just comes from a different direction now.
Framing this as “Muslim reservation” to make it palatable is intellectually dishonest. There are genuinely poor and struggling people across all communities including upper caste Hindus who get nothing. If deprivation is the real concern, argue for universal economic criteria. But that is not what this is really about.