What Indians newspapers don’t do is chase after ‘Musalmaan’ like India TV news. And the stories can be anything as long as Muslims are involved and can be named.
Ten years after the 2013 UP riots, a court convicted two men of gangraping a Muslim woman fleeing with her 3-month-old child. But for many families, life is stuck between ‘before riots’ and ‘after riots’.
In a secular democracy, with a progressive Constitution, we shouldn’t fear the clergy. But they still wield power over the minds of significant sections of Indian Muslims.
The BJP in Telangana is confident the triple talaq ban has reduced cases of injustice and torture against women but the reality on ground isn’t that simple.
Nirmala Sitharaman may have been correct in saying Muslims are not the target of violence in India; but on television news, they are frequently associated with violence.
Almost every area needs reform to bring these laws up to date with the contemporary realities. It has to begin with recognising the Muslim woman as a whole individual.
The diverging paths of legislative interventions in Muslim and Hindu personal laws is a result of the damaging effect that Muslim Personal Law symbolises in Indian politics.
Crowded cities are rich because there is greater division of labour. The extent of the division of labour depends on the size of the market, wrote Sauvik Chakraverti in 2002.
WhatsApp privacy policy case is among a string of matters involving practices like restrictive platform rules, pricing & billing policies, reflecting India’s tight scrutiny of market dominance.
Bihar is blessed with a land more fertile for revolutions than any in India. Why has it fallen so far behind then? Constant obsession with politics is at the root of its destruction.
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