The strength of India lies not merely in its geographical boundaries but in its extraordinary ability to accommodate diverse identities, cultures, languages and aspirations within a democratic constitutional framework. The Constitution has been the guiding force behind this vision, ensuring that every community, however small, remote or historically vulnerable, finds dignity, representation and hope within the Union.
The pending Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Fifth Amendment) Bill, 2019 must therefore not be treated as a routine legislative exercise. It is a historic opportunity to strengthen the Sixth Schedule institutions of the North-East, address long-pending grievances of indigenous communities, and reinforce the foundations of peace, justice and lasting integration.
The Sixth Schedule was one of the most imaginative constitutional responses to the special history of the tribal areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. It recognised that the hill and tribal communities of the North-East could not be governed by a uniform administrative logic alone. Their land systems, customary laws, village institutions, languages and community traditions required protection within the larger frame of the Indian Republic.
The Autonomous District Councils created under this arrangement were never meant to be decorative institutions. They were designed as instruments of self-government, social confidence and constitutional trust. The 125th Amendment must be seen in that historical light: not as a concession from the Centre, but as an overdue renewal of a founding constitutional promise.
Why the 125th Amendment matters
The Bill was introduced in the Rajya Sabha on 6 February 2019 and examined by the Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs, which submitted its report on 5 March 2020. Its core purpose is to make Sixth Schedule governance more representative, accountable and financially viable. It proposes, among other measures, stronger provisions for District Councils, Village Councils and Municipal Councils, elections through State Election Commissions, State Finance Commissions, anti-defection safeguards, women’s representation, and a constitutional route through Article 280 for augmenting the resources of councils in tribal areas.
These proposals directly address the long-standing paradox that institutions created for special autonomy often remain fiscally weaker and administratively more uncertain than many ordinary constituently instituted bodies elsewhere in India.
For decades, many tribal communities of the North-East have struggled for constitutional safeguards, socio-political rights, protection of land, language, culture and identity, and a fair share in development. Thousands of families have paid a heavy price during periods of conflict and unrest. Many lost loved ones with the hope that future generations would inherit a more peaceful, secure and dignified society. Those sacrifices must never be reduced to footnotes in official files. They are part of the moral history of India’s federal democracy. Whenever Parliament considers the 125th Amendment, it must remember that constitutional autonomy in the North-East is not merely about administration; it is about healing memories, preventing alienation and converting pain into trust.
The signing of the Bodo Peace Accord of 2020 marked a new chapter in the history of the region. It demonstrated that dialogue, democratic engagement and constitutional solutions can replace conflict and mistrust. The Accord represented the decision of many who had travelled through years of agitation and uncertainty to place faith in the Constitution of India.
The Ministry of Home Affairs has recorded important implementation steps, including the surrender of cadres and the announcement of a special development package. But peace accords achieve their true purpose only when their promises are translated into durable institutions. The implementation of constitutional commitments linked to the Accord remains essential for sustaining hard-earned peace in Bodoland and for strengthening confidence among all stakeholders.
Today, many indigenous communities across the North-East feel that their aspirations have been delayed. Their desire for better education, livelihood opportunities, social justice, modern infrastructure and effective self-governance awaits fuller realisation. The sons and daughters of the soil who dream of contributing positively to the nation deserve a governance framework capable of addressing their evolving needs.
Autonomous Councils must have the power and resources to plan for schools, hospitals, roads, markets, sports facilities, digital services, climate resilience and skill development. Without such institutional capacity, autonomy becomes sentiment without delivery.
Building stronger, more representative institutions
The 125th Constitutional Amendment seeks to strengthen Sixth Schedule Councils by making them more representative, effective and accountable. Increasing the number of Council seats can ensure broader participation of various communities residing within council areas, provided such increases are based on transparent criteria such as population, area, representation of smaller tribes and local diversity. Greater representation can deepen democratic legitimacy and strengthen social harmony among different ethnic groups.
However, representation must not be limited to numbers alone. It must also include women, youth, smaller tribes, marginal communities and those living in remote villages and emerging towns. The proposed reservation of seats for women is welcome, but it should be strengthened further. Tribal women are central to agriculture, local markets, family economies, education, culture and peace-building; they must also be central to formal political decision-making.
The financial dimension is the heart of the reform. Article 280 can create a route for Finance Commission-linked recommendations to supplement the resources of District, Village and Municipal Councils. This is essential because development cannot be achieved merely through political assurances; it requires predictable institutional support, adequate funding and constitutional backing. At the same time, the financial architecture must also draw strength from Article 275(1), which provides for grants-in-aid from the Consolidated Fund of India for states in need of assistance, including grants for schemes promoting the welfare of Scheduled Tribes and raising the level of administration in tribal areas. The special historical reference in Article 275 to tribal areas of Assam shows that fiscal support for tribal administration was part of the original constitutional design, not a later charity.
Therefore, the future of Sixth Schedule finance should be built on a twin foundation: Article 275 for targeted developmental and welfare grants, and Article 280 for predictable, formula-based fiscal devolution linked to the functions of autonomous institutions. Article 275 funds can support critical infrastructure, education, livelihood, health, culture and administrative upgradation. Article 280-linked recommendations can give councils a more stable resource base for planning and governance.
Together, they can create a genuine Sixth Schedule fiscal compact. But this compact must include transparency, timely release of funds, public audit, outcome monitoring and direct consultation with the councils. Money routed without accountability may fail; autonomy without money will certainly fail.
Similarly, extending the spirit of anti-defection safeguards to autonomous council institutions can help preserve political stability, strengthen democratic mandates and improve governance. Frequent political instability weakens public confidence and delays development initiatives. Strong institutions are the foundation of sustainable democracy. At the same time, anti-defection provisions must not become tools for suppressing legitimate dissent or weakening local democratic debate. The rules must be fair, clear and consistent with constitutional principles.
Peace needs institutions, not just agreements
The urgency of these reforms becomes even more significant in the present context. The North-East, with a combined population of about 4.57 crore under the 2011 Census and just under four per cent of India’s population, carries a strategic importance far beyond its demographic size. More than 80 per cent of its people live in rural areas and nearly 47 per cent belong to tribal communities; yet local participation in governance, development monitoring and autonomous institutions remains below the level required for lasting reconciliation.
Several parts of the region continue to witness tensions, unrest, killings and counter-killings. The region’s strategic location, sharing extensive international borders with neighbouring countries, presents both opportunities and vulnerabilities. The existence of illegal weapons among sections of youth remains a serious concern. Sustainable peace cannot be secured through security measures alone. It must be supported by justice, inclusion, opportunity, land protection, livelihood growth and trust in constitutional institutions.
The 125th Amendment should therefore be read as part of a wider permanent Peace Building Doctrine for the North-East – a doctrine based on continuous dialogue, confidence-building, implementation monitoring, community participation and timely resolution of grievances. As India advances its Act East vision, the region must move from being seen as a frontier of conflict to becoming a corridor of peace, connectivity and prosperity.
The North-East has immense potential. If the youths of NE can fight for more than half a century voluntarily for their community interest at the cost of their life then one can imagine how energetic, aspirational and committed they are. Its cultural heritage is a national treasure. Its forests, biodiversity, river systems and community knowledge are central to India’s ecological future. Its strategic importance is central to India’s Act East vision and to the country’s relationship with South-East Asia.
What the region needs is not sympathy, but sincere constitutional commitment and timely action. Passing the 125th Constitutional Amendment, with necessary safeguards and improvements, and implementing the constitutional commitments arising from the Bodo Peace Accord of 2020 would send a powerful message across the region: democratic agreements are respected, constitutional promises are honoured and peaceful negotiations are rewarded.
This issue transcends party politics. It concerns the credibility of democratic institutions and the faith of millions of citizens who chose peace over conflict and constitutional engagement over confrontation. Every delay creates uncertainty. Every fulfilled promise strengthens trust. The people of the North-East are not asking for privilege; they are seeking justice, dignity, representation and equal opportunity within the framework of the Indian Constitution. They seek assurance that their identity, language, culture, land and future generations will be protected and empowered.
Now is the time for the nation to demonstrate that constitutional commitments are sacred. Now is the time to strengthen Sixth Schedule institutions, integrate Article 275 grants with Article 280 devolution, and ensure meaningful implementation of the Bodo Peace Accord. Now is the time to transform hope into reality.
Let us prove through action that delay does not mean denial. Let us strengthen peace, deepen democracy and build a future where every citizen of the North-East feels valued, protected and proudly integrated into the national mainstream. A stronger Sixth Schedule will not weaken India; it will strengthen the Union by strengthening the trust of its people.
Pramod Boro was the 2nd Chief Executive Member of the Bodoland Territorial Council representing Koklabari from 2020 to 2025. He is currently serving as a member of the Rajya Sabha. Views are personal.
(Edited by Janaki Pande)
Has the northeast ever considered mainland Indians as their own brothers and sisters? The northeast expects respect, understanding and acceptance from rest of India but has it ever extended the same to people from rest of India?
The way non-Assamese people were hounded and intimidated and massacred during the Assam Agitation remains fresh on everyone’s minds. Nobody has forgotten how the Bengalis and Biharis and many other communities were repeatedly targeted by xenophobic mobs with full support of the state government of Assam.