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Mohan Bhagwat is like RK Laxman’s common man and RSS under him means business

The RSS Sarsanghachalak has worked to rescue the supposedly fascist Hindutva ideology from the narrow straitjacket it has been confined into.

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Mohanrao Bhagwat, the current Sarsanghachalak or head of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, may be described as a modest, even self-effacing man. In fact, he resembles the quintessential Indian “Common Man” immortalised in the late R. K. Laxman’s popular cartoon strip.

But since 2009, when Bhagwat took over the reins of what is arguably the world’s largest cultural organisation, he has shown both admirers and detractors of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) that he means business. Today, no one can doubt Bhagwat’s visionary ambition, not just for his organisation, but for India that is Bharat. Hardly any other Sarsanghachalak of the RSS has been as quietly influential or effective as Bhagwat. Mainstreaming the RSS and internationalising Hindutva may be summed up as Bhagwat’s greatest achievements.

Few will forget the coup he pulled off in getting India’s former president and senior Congressman, Pranab Mukherjee, to share the dais with him. Mukherjee not only addressed the nation from the Sangh platform at the RSS headquarters in Nagpur, but traversed the narrow and congested lanes in the heart of the city to pay homage to founder Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar. At the latter’s erstwhile home, now a memorial, Mukherjee said, “Today, I came here to pay my respectful homage to a great son of Mother India.”

Also read: India belongs to Hindus, says RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, bats for BJP in temple row

To anyone who cared, Bhagwat was sending an unmistakeable message: the RSS, despite nearly a hundred years of negative propaganda and relentless battering, was not only alive and well but in great spirits and fighting fit. What is more, the Sangh was no longer “untouchable”. Instead, it had become one of India’s most significant organisations, playing a vital role in shaping the nation’s destiny.

The legendary ‘Guruji’, Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, steered and saved the RSS through its most difficult post-independence phase, despite a government ban in 1948 and the arrests of thousands of swayamsevaks.

Later, under Madhukar Dattatraya ‘Balasaheb’ Deoras (1915-1996), the third Sarsanghachalak, the RSS played a crucial role in fighting the Emergency imposed by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Deoras did write to Mrs Gandhi offering to cooperate with government in the nation’s broader interests, but there is no doubt that the rank and file of the RSS opposed the Emergency at considerable personal cost, and were jailed in the thousands. Deoras also had the satisfaction of seeing, before his death, a former RSS pracharak, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, being sworn in as India’s prime minister in May 1996. But that was somewhat of a pyrrhic, if short-lived, victory since the first Vajpayee term lasted for just thirteen days.

From what some perceived as Golwalkar’s hardliner stance, the Deoras doctrine expanded the Sangh’s horizons: “We do believe in the one-culture and one-nation Hindu rashtra. But our definition of Hindu is not limited to any particular kind of faith. Our definition of Hindu includes those who believe in the one-culture and one-nation theory of this country… So, by Hindu we do not mean any particular type of faith. We use the word Hindu in a broader sense.”

Also read: Deoras to Bhagwat: The evolution of RSS view on Muslims over the last 70 years

Hindutva as the new-age identity

If Deoras broadened the idea of Hindutva, Bhagwat has tried to abolish the dichotomy between Hinduism and Hindutva. While Hindu Dharma is indeed a way of life, Hindus cannot afford not to assert their religious and political identities by harnessing or consolidating the essential principles of Hinduism. These essential tatvas or codes of conduct, ideas, values, opinions, and doctrines — all constitute the bedrock of Hindutva. Though these core ideas may be age-old, their application or presentation must be context-specific and contemporary.

Hindutva, in order to be relevant and meaningful, must be as flexible, plural, and responsive to the times as Hinduism itself. Bhagwat has thus endeavoured to rescue Hindutva from the narrow straitjacket into which it has been confined for over seventy years. Dubbed and slandered as a supposedly fascist and chauvinist ideology, Hindutva has had a consistently bad press. Bhagwat has rehabilitated it as the proud identity badge of new age Indians and globalised Hindus.

This does not imply that Bhagwat has fought shy of insisting on the traditional RSS call for Hindu unity and solidarity. In fact, he has repeatedly considered these essential for a strong and stable India. To end the civil war between different factions of Hindus has been his dream: “Why should we try to bring everyone under one flag or one banner?” he asked in his recent valedictory address on 3 February 2019 at the Bharatiya Vichar Manch in Ahmedabad. “It is enough that we all work for India. All patriotic Indians should strive to work together for the welfare of Bharat.”

Addressing an enthusiastic audience of admirers, Bhagwat gave the slogan of “working together differently” as the key to the success of Hindu samaj or society. This was the “vyuva Rachana”, the strategic formation, needed to identify and network all those who are active in the larger mission of working for the welfare of India. “Mil jul ke raho, satya khojo yehi Hindutva hai (mingle and live together peaceably, find the truth — this is Hindutva),” he stressed. Who could object to that?

Protecting Dharma

Like other key members of the RSS and other Hindu organisations, Bhagwat also believes in India’s special mission as the ‘jagat guru‘ or world teacher. Call it our own version of Indian exceptionalism. The underlying idea is that India’s ‘wisdom traditions’ have the knowledge to save humanity from predatory and irresponsible consumerism, the fallout of self-destructive and nature-exploiting modernity.

We are all today the slaves of this inhumane globalised machine, which is eating into the very vitals of our personal, social, and economic relations. This critique of modernity is not very different from Mahatma Gandhi’s in Hind Swaraj (1909). Gandhi considered modernity the veritable proof of Kali Yuga, the Godless age of greed and immorality, destructive of civilisation. He wanted Indians to cleave to India’s ancient way of life as they would to “mother’s milk.”

Also read: Mohan Bhagwat’s idea of India is not a thali of identities but a khichdi: Shashi Tharoor

Bhagwat’s Hindutva, assert RSS ideologues, has the added component of respect for modern science as a parallel quest for truth, quite in keeping with the spiritual imperative of the ancient Vedic Rishi Dharma, propounded and practised by the rishis. A revitalised and contemporised version of this wisdom tradition is the best antidote to the ills that plague the modern world, according to him. India was, is, and will remain a spiritual and spiritualising civilisation; that, to Bhagwat, is our strength and the true implication of Hindutva.

The Hindu nation and the state of India both have to be strong because they are custodians and protectors of this Dharma. As Sri Aurobindo famously said in his Uttarpara speech (on 30 May 1909), “When it is said that India shall expand and extend herself, it is the Sanatan Dharma that shall expand and extend itself over the world. It is for the Dharma and by the Dharma that India exists.”

In 2014, if the RSS supported the candidature of Narendra Modi over the older stalwart L. K. Advani, it was because it believed that Modi had the best chances of winning. Today, Bhagwat can rightfully look back over his first decade as the RSS chief with some satisfaction, especially India’s progress in the last five years under Modi’s prime ministership. Another term for the BJP at the Centre is definitely a high priority, although Bhagwat often says, “Our work will continue regardless of who is in power.”

By mainstreaming Hindutva, Bhagwat has given ideological and spiritual ballast to Modi’s populist slogans, ‘sab ka saath, sab ka vikas’ or ‘saaf niyat, sahi vikas’. Bhagwat’s Hindutva 2.0 is a good platform not only for Hindu political consolidation, but national development, clean governance, and economic progress. Therein lies his unique accomplishment.

The author is a Professor and Director at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla. His views are personal. His Twitter handle is @makrandparanspe

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  1. I didn’t know much about RSS until a few years ago, beyond what it is caricatured to be in the mainstream media outlets. However, the intense dislike towards RSS from congress and communist parties made me learn more about their ideology and social work. I now have healthy respect for what they stand for. I hope they will continue to thrive and help keep the works of the ancient Indian civilization alive.

    • Dear RJ, RSS doesn’t even accept the tricolor, they are opposed to India’s constitution! RSS is most active in the Hindi belt, where we have large numbers of our Muslim brethren who are BORN & BROUGHT UP here — they haven’t come from anywhere outside. They have not “converted” to Islam, they are “born” into Islam. The man who converted to Islam died 400 years ago! If an infant grows up thinking of his adoptive parents as its real parents, and when he is grown up his “biological parents” emerge out of the blue and start dragging him to “ghar wapasi”, won’t it be outright CRUEL??! Just think about it. RSS, now emboldened by Modi-Shah edition of BJP are spreading confusion and violence in our society. Its very bad for our country’s future as one united entity.

      • You seem to be greatly affected by demonitisation and other Good measures the BJP govt has initiated. You try to spread only hate because Modi’s voice is heard louder.

  2. Personally I have seen Hindus, Christians, Muslims , Sikhs attending , participating in all activities in Sangh Sakhas in equal basis, so to say Proof is in the Pudding, eat and find for yourself the true teaching of Sangh

    • Why lie ?? Everyone knows RSS’s thoughts on non-Hindu Indians.

      Because it is not honestly revealed by them and their followers, it is also called – hidden agenda

  3. Heading into the future, greater acceptance of science and technology, modern ideas around business and the economy are required. India cannot afford to fall back, mired in superstition, religious orthodoxy, sluggish growth. These things go beyond culture, but the RSS is now firmly embedded in governance and politics, where these decisions are made. 2. Without getting into a semantic debate on how one should define a Hindu, 180 million Muslims are Indians but they are not Hindus. Nor is the much smaller Christian minority. Whether one sees Hindutva as a religious or a national construct, the rights and freedoms, also the security and sense of belonging the minorities have always enjoyed, must continue to be respected. May the next century of the RSS be congruent with the rise of an India that gives all its citizens a much better life.

  4. There is a song in Hindi, “ghoonghat ke paht khol ri tohe piya milenge”. This line is also adopted by religious Hindus as to mean, “peel the layers of ignorance and you will meet your beloved (or God, or Truth, etc.)”

    Makarand Paranjape is an erudite scholar, but he hasn’t forgotten how to write essays in school-boy mode. This paean to Mohan Bhagwat is an example of his nostalgic trip to the school bench.

    Mohan Bhagwat has done no “mainstreaming” of the RSS or Hinduism, he hasn’t internationalized Hindutva. If you “peel the layers of ignorance” this is the TRUTH you will see:

    “Narendra Modi captured the imagination and dreams of a vast population of Indians who had been suffocating on poverty, who had been watching TV serials day in and day out and through which had been EXPOSED to good things that money can buy, but who had no surplus monies of their own to buy those good things. In came Narendra Modi with REPEATED talks of 15 lakh rupees in each account… So persistent was the repetition that if someone were to Google search his speeches, he must have mentioned this promise more than 20-30 times. A poor man wants to believe such a promise, and the repetitions made him convinced about it, and about Modi.

    “Thus, in plain words a CRUEL lie was made to look real, and Narendra Modi came to power. “Achhe din aane waale hain, amma!” was a repeated ad that was played out before 2014 elections.”

    This is the crux of the whole story, this is exactly how Narendra Modi and the BJP came to power. By DECEIT I would say, because they themselves disowned the 14-lakhs bit as a mere “jumla” or wisecrack after coming to power.

    And this is how the Hindutva bandwagon has gotten on a roll in last five years, Dear Makarand. Mohan Bhagwat has nothing to do with it. He’s a nice man, I agree with you, but not shy of words like Laxman’s common man. You meet the latter in cramped railway compartments and not on flower-decked 100 foot wide daises.

  5. Well, personally I am of the view that Mohan Bhagwat with his drooping mustache resembles the fishmonger Unhygienix from the Asterix comics series and not the legendary cartoonist R K Laxman’s Common Man!

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