As election fever grips Bangladesh, which is scheduled to go to polls on 12 February, the political contest is clear—an insurmountable rise of Jamaat-e-Islami in the backdrop of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s departure, the Awami League’s ban, and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s leadership change.
In recent times, this will be the first time the contest will not feature the ‘Begums’—Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia—of Bangladeshi politics. While Jamaat-e-Islami hopes to cross the double-digit mark, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) aims for a full majority backed by its traditional voter base.
However, other political parties like the Jatiyo Nagarik Party—National Citizen Party (NCP)—are riding high on the aspirations and ambitions of student leaders who were the face of anti-Hasina protests in July 2024. Founded in February 2025, the NCP, which is completing its first anniversary, has also entered the active electoral contest on 12 February in coalition with the Jamaat-e-Islami-led Islamic alliance.
Meanwhile, does NCP have a chance against parties with a seven-decade history and experience?
What NCP plans to offer?
“Hisaab Dao” (accountability) is a strong slogan in NCP’s 36-point election manifesto titled “Manifesto of Youth and Dignity,” vowing to hold elected and government representatives accountable for their income and assets. A seemingly vocal commitment to tackle the menace of corruption, something that rotted Hasina’s Awami League-led administration.
But in post-Hasina Bangladesh, where reforms have become an overriding force in the electoral exercise, NCP too makes a case for the economic, trade, education, and health sectors. A key focus remains on employment and employment-linked social security, including 10 million decent jobs in the next five years and a minimum wage of 100 Taka (approximately $0.81 or Rs 74).
An attractive package for the Bangladeshi diaspora—starting with “Diaspora Digital Portal”—to provide national services, remittance-linked opportunities for investment and pension benefits, considering that less than a million overseas Bangladeshis will be casting their votes through postal ballots. Of the reported 7,66,862 postal ballots sent by the Bangladesh Election Commission, 1,94,914 have arrived in Bangladesh.
With a total of 127.7 million voters going to the polls this time, the diaspora is seen as a key factor, first as voters and then as a force that could influence the voting behaviour of family and friends back home.
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India in NCP manifesto
In its election manifesto, NCP makes no qualms about India. It neither attempts to be diplomatic nor minces words. In point 34, the party states, “Regarding all issues with India, including border killings, Bangladesh’s fair share of water from international rivers, bringing back Sheikh Hasina and Awami League terrorists, and unequal bilateral agreement, we take a firm stance at the highest diplomatic and political levels.” It even goes on to add, “And if necessary, pursue action through an international organisation.”
None of it should come as a surprise to New Delhi, given that the founders of the NCP were at the forefront of the anti-Hasina protests during the July Uprising. However, there is no word on China or on how NCP would pursue its overall foreign policy if it comes to power in a coalition with the Jaamat-e-Islami.
Interestingly, bilateral and multilateral diplomacy is proposed to resolve the Rohingya crisis and to improve ties with Southeast Asian countries by “joining ASEAN”—a logical question arises about the geographical basis of this proposal. However, this could be Bangladesh’s answer to evaporating hopes on SAARC.
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Insecurities of NCP
Keeping the electoral promises aside, the party struggles with inexperience and a confused leadership. Nahid Islam—a youth leader and the face of the resistance movement in 2024—founded NCP after a seven-month brief and disenchanted stint in the interim administration of Muhammad Yunus.
Now, he is all set to test the electoral waters in the forthcoming elections as the convener of the first student-led political party in Bangladesh.
However, despite a large support base and youth-centric leadership, the party did not contest last year’s high-voltage university elections. One would have expected the NCP to make a big impact in the university elections; after all, it emerged from a revolution. But popularity that translates into vote banks is rare, especially in youth politics.
Understandably, a loss for NCP in the university elections would have risked national political ambitions, even before it ventured into the fray.
But the sweeping gains made by the Jamaat’s student wing—Islami Chhatra Shibir—at Dhaka University and Jahangirnagar University last September not only presented a contest to an established party like the BNP, but also to NCP, which is seeking a foothold.
Therefore, by joining hands with the Jaamat-e-Islami-led Islamic alliance for the upcoming elections, NCP is attempting to explore a collective future rather than miss out on all on its own.
Meanwhile, as seen in the sub-continent, traditional parties have overpowered the newbies. Just next door in Nepal, which underwent a Gen-Z Movement in September last year, is back in the grip of traditional players. The same seems to be the case in Bangladesh, where Jamaat and BNP are gaining traction in the elections.
Clearly, electoral politics still needs experience, not just populist sentiments on social media or otherwise.
Moving forward, NCP may have secured a space in the electoral politics by joining the Jamaat-led coalition, but sustaining a post-election alliance, whether in government or opposition, would be critical.
NCP would have serious questions to answer as to how a youth-led party plans to defend Jamaat-e-Islami when it comes to their regressive approach towards women, strong views against secularism, etc.?
Rishi Gupta is a commentator on global affairs. Views are personal.
(Edited by Saptak Datta)