NCPCR has been on an anti-madrasa campaign—to rescue Hindu children

The Supreme Court has questioned why the NCPCR was only concerned with madrasas and whether it was even-handed in its treatment of all communities.

A file photo of students at a madrasa. | ANI

New Delhi: After crusading against madrasas during his tenure at the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights, Priyank Kanoongo should now be enjoying a quiet retirement at his Tilak Marg home-office in Delhi. But he isn’t done yet. He is now writing a book on madrasas — a topic that continues to attract his prime focus.

“The Madrasas that are unmapped, unregistered, and are being misused everywhere in the country, are being hidden under the guise of the Madrasa Board,” he said.

Never before has NCPCR zoomed in on India’s madrasas. Its focus has mostly been on POCSO, child trafficking and juveniles in conflict with law. But since 2015, the statutory body began to expand its interests and align it more with the political establishment in India.

Kanoongo conducted surprise inspections. Over 7,000 home care inspections were done for the first time during his tenure between 2018 and 2024. The former NPCR chief said that madrasas are failing to meet basic educational standards. According to him, they operate without a curriculum aligned with the RTE Act 2009, and lack qualified teachers as mandated by the National Council for Teacher Education. He said they function arbitrarily, neglect secular principles, and radicalise students by enrolling Hindu and other non-Muslim children and exposing them to Islamic education. According to Kanoongo, madrasas misuse funds and violate the Juvenile Justice Act 2015, raising concerns about their accountability and impact on children’s rights.

Former NCPCR chief Priyank Kanoongo.

Madarsa boards and Muslim organisations have denied Kanoongo’s allegations, claiming his actions are politically motivated and aimed at strengthening the ruling BJP’s vote bank.

Kanoongo’s focus on the workings of madrasas sparked direct conflict with Muslim community and organisations. Muslim organisations have criticised his approach, questioning the inspection and survey methods and accused the NCPCR of infringing on children’s fundamental right to education by targeting madrasas.

His unusual focus also led the Supreme Court on 22 October to question the NCPCR’s campaign against the madrasas, asking whether it had issued directives preventing children from attending monasteries, pathshalas, or similar institutions, and if it mandated subjects such as science and mathematics there.

The court questioned why the NCPCR was “only concerned with madrasas” and whether it was “even-handed” in its treatment of all communities.

Uttarakhand Child Rights Protection Commission (UCRPC) chairperson Geeta Khanna said whether it was her or Kanoongo, the focus was not on the madrasa itself but on the children. The NCPCR was also examining what madrasas offer to children.

In August 2024, UCRPC Chairperson Khanna wrote to the minorities ministry, urging action against illegally operating unregistered madrasas in Uttarakhand. She blamed the administration’s inaction on a lack of willpower among officials.

She asserted that madrasas are failing to contribute to the intellectual development of children. Madrasa education, according to her, fosters division, helplessness, oppression, and a sense of being different. And her work is against it.

“Whatever Madrasas are offering is absolutely non-conducive to a holistic, positive cognitive development of a child,” said Khanna. “Isolating any child from the mainstream is wrong.”

But Kanoongo claimed to have devoted only 10 per cent of his time on madrasas and 90 per cent on child-related work during his nine-year tenure at the NCPCR.

“We haven’t visited that many madrasas,” he said.

Whatever Madrasas are offering is absolutely non-conducive to a holistic, positive cognitive development of a child.

Geeta Khanna, chairperson, Uttarakhand Child Rights Protection Commission

NCPCR’s act: activism or overreach?

In May 2024, wearing a white kurta-pajama and accompanied by police personnel, Kanoongo visited a madarsa in Bihar’s Saran district, claiming it was unauthorised. He initiated an inspection, during which police officers broke open a locked gate and entered a room where they found pins, explosives, and charre (pellets). Kanoongo alleged that bombs were being made. The entire survey was recorded and shared on social media.

“These (material) are used for making bombs. What purpose will they serve, or they might be used to teach children,” he said handing over the material to the police and ordering an investigation.

In November 2015, Kanoongo joined NCPCR as a member of education the education department. Tasked with addressing out-of-school children based on the 2011 census data, he worked to bring them back to school and identify their locations, including those attending madrasas. It took Kanoongo over five years to understand the issues and solutions related to madrasas, he claimed. It was quite complex for him.

“We needed to examine relevant data, research, studies, cases, historical perspectives, and the practical implementation. We have worked on this from 2021 to 2024,” he added. “In five years, it was discovered that 1.25 crore children are in madrasas (all India), which is the largest chunk of out-of-school children.”

As for the controversy surrounding his actions, Kanoongo blamed the media for “sensationalising the madrassa issue”.

Kanoongo during a survey of a madrasa in Bihar last year.

Kanoongo’s campaign against the madrasas became a highlight in the media, with some TV channels and social media focusing on communal narratives and strengthening the pre-dominant biases about madarsas. A simple search for Priyank Kanoongo on YouTube throws up videos of his interviews, often featuring thumbnails with titles such as Gazwa-e-Hind and Darul Uloom ka Poora Sach (The Truth About Gazwa-e-Hind and Darul Uloom), Madarsa and its Modus Operandi, and Hindustani Madarse Mein Pakistani Agenda, Mazhabi Taleem ki Duhai, Katarpanth Padhai, Bihar ke Madarson par Bada Khulasa (Pakistani Agenda in Indian Madrasas, Religious Education Cries, Extremist Teachings, A Major Revelation About Madrasas in Bihar).

In various seminars, Kanoongo has discussed the history, curriculum, operations, functions, and schedules of madrasas.

In 2023, Kanoongo received reports of illegal orphanages in Bengaluru. On 19 November 2023, he conducted a surprise visit to Darul Uloom Sayideeya orphanage. Inside, he found many children sleeping in a large mosque hall. When he inquired whether the children lived in the hall, a representative of the orphanage confirmed it.

Kanoongo claimed the orphanage was being operated under the guise of a madrasa.

He described the situation on his X handle, saying that eight children were kept in a 100 square foot room, with 40 children living in five such rooms, and 16 children staying in the corridor. The remaining 150 children slept in two separate halls used for prayers in the mosque at night. He further wrote that there was no other place for eating, resting, or entertainment and children had to stay in the mosque.

“These children are living a medieval Taliban-like life; the Constitution does not prescribe this life for them,” he wrote in his post.

He claimed that a school had been built on the property of the orphanage, but the children were not allowed to attend it. He instructed the organisation to get registered under the Juvenile Justice Act.

The Karnataka Police booked Kanoongo for describing children as living a “medieval Taliban life” and for trespassing. The Karnataka High Court later quashed the case.

The monitoring of the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act 2015 is NCPCR’s responsibility. Kanoongo cited Section 41, which mandates institutions housing children in need of care or in conflict with the law to register within six months. Kanoongo said that, according to the law, orphanages have to give children for adoption if their families cannot be traced. However, some orphanages do not follow this so that they can continue receiving donations in their name.

These children (at Bengaluru madrasa) are living a medieval Taliban-like life; the Constitution does not prescribe this life for them.

Priyank Kanoongo, former chairman, NCPCR

He claimed that the families of more than 150 children from this Bengaluru orphanage have been traced by NCPCR and sent back to their homes.

The Darul Uloom Sayideeya orphanage declined to comment on the matter.

“The issue is old now. The court has given its verdict. Let him (Kanoongo) claim whatever he wants,” said a senior associate of the organisation, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Inspections

The Mufti of a madrasa in Dehradun, who wants to remain anonymous, described a July morning that turned into a nightmare. His madrasa houses 60-65 children, mostly from poor families unable to afford basic necessities. The madrasa provides them with free food, shelter, and education. He recalled an incident where around 20 children suffered mild food poisoning and received treatment, but local media sensationalised it, making it a headline.

A few days later, a team of around 20 NCPCR officials, accompanied by police personnel, barged into the madrasa for inspection.

“Wo inspection karne ke liye nahi mujhe darane-dhamkane ke liye aaye the (They didn’t come for an inspection; they came to scare and threaten me.),” he told ThePrint.

He alleged that Uttarakhand NCPCR chairperson Geeta Khanna claimed madrasas are involved in trafficking. Khanna asked him for the property papers, NOC, children’s papers and facilities like fire extinguishers.

The madrasa is registered under the Societies Registration Act. Children study the Quran here and then go to school for their education, said the Mufti.

Khanna asked the Mufti about the academic future of the children leaving the madrasa. The Mufti explained that they would provide the children with a maulvi degree, after which they could enrol in Darul Uloom to continue their education.

Kanoongo questioned the necessity of having such a large number of maulvis and qazis.

“Those who come out with a degree in Deeni Taleem (Islamic education) from madrasas become Muftis, Maulvis, and Qazis. Can we feed 1,10,00,000 Qazi Maulvis in the country?”

According to Kanoongo, madrasas are prone to serious violations against children, including sexual harassment, exploitation of their vulnerability, and the dangerous practice of corporal punishment. Islamic radical terrorism, Kanoongo said, thrives in regions where such education is prevalent, and the situation in India is becoming increasingly dangerous due to the government’s lack of accurate data on madrasas that promote radicalism.

“This is a process of making the nation within the nation, which not only creates class strife, but also creates religious and caste strife,” he said.

According to Kanoongo, madrasas are prone to serious violations against children, including sexual harassment, exploitation of their vulnerability, and the dangerous practice of corporal punishment.

Hindu children in madrasas

Kanoongo strongly opposes Hindu children studying in madrasas, claiming that Islamic education in modern madrasas is radicalising them. In October 2024, he released a report and wrote to all states and Union Territories, urging them to remove non-Muslim children from madrasas and enrol them in schools.

The NCPCR’s October 2024 report, Guardians of Faith or Oppressors of Rights, alleged curriculum irregularities in madrasas, including “objectionable content” in Diniyat books, teachings of Islam’s supremacy, and the Bihar Madrasa Board using books published in Pakistan.

NCPCR, in a letter dated 11 October 2024, urged chief secretaries to stop state funding for madrasas and transfer non-Muslim children to regular schools. The commission has expressed concern over the conflict arising between children’s fundamental rights and the rights of minority communities.

Kanoongo has said that imparting education solely in a religious context, without adhering to the RTE Act 2009, or other relevant laws, flagrantly violates a child’s fundamental right to education.

He claimed that the Madrasa Board has failed in its purpose, calling it an “eye wash.” The board was meant to provide Muslim children with both Islamic and modern education. However, by enrolling Hindu children, the board has compromised this goal.

“Based on this, I am urging the government to stop funding madrasas,” he said.

The Madrasas Board has denied the allegations. Mufti Shamoon Qasmi, Chairman of the Uttarakhand Madarsa Education Board, stated that the former NCPCR chairman either lacked proper knowledge about madrasas or was given incorrect information.

Muslim organisations such as Jamaat-e-Islami said that madrasas do not forcibly admit children but often serve as the only available educational facility in certain areas.

According to him, the Madarsa Board follows the NCERT syllabus. The Uttarakhand Madrasas Board offers education in both Arabic and Sanskrit. He considers there are significant similarities between the two languages, and this allows children from both communities to understand each other better.

Syed Tanveer Ahmed, secretary of Jamat-e-Islam, referred to Kanoongo’s claims as a myth.

“In any private Madrasa, there is not a single non-Muslim child,” he claimed. “Less than 1 per cent of students in the madrasa board’s madrasas are Hindus and other non-Muslims.”

However, the NCPCR report on madrasas reveals that around 14,819 non-Muslim children are attending madrasas in states with madrasa boards.

Muslim organisations such as Jamaat-e-Islami said that madrasas do not forcibly admit children but often serve as the only available educational facility in certain areas. If non-Muslim children are attending madrasas, it highlights the government’s failure rather than any conspiracy by the madrasas or the Muslim community.

Syed Tanveer Ahmed, secretary of Jamaat-e-Islami, said that in a multicultural and democratic society, a registered, government-approved madrasa cannot deny admission to a non-Muslim child who wishes to study there. It is their constitutional right.

He said that in universities such as JNU, Jamia Millia Islamia, and even Oxford, non-Muslims study Arabic and Islamic studies. If a non-Muslim child wants to study Islam for research, they should have that right, and the government should support their admission to madrasas.

Question mark on the survey

Muslim organisations view the campaign against such establishments as Islamophobic and as an attempt to paint a stereotypical image of madrasas. They have raised objections to the approach of the surveys and inspections.

Ahmed accused Kanoongo of strengthening the BJP’s vote bank and polarising the issue. According to him, Muslims are being viewed as an opposing “party”.

“Singling out madrasas is unhealthy and unsuitable for a developing country,” Ahmed said.

He argued that some surveyors are influenced by their political affiliations. Today, many surveyors seek quick results and are not spending the right amount of time on it. According to him, the surveys have been conducted in a politically motivated and fabricated manner, detached from reality. A private agency or NGO should step forward to ensure complete transparency in the data, he said.

He pointed out that obtaining data through RTI is difficult, and with no proper verification, there’s no way to check the survey’s efficacy or ensure its parameters are met.

Ahmed emphasised that surveys or inspections should be done in the standard format.

“You should not annoy the respondent. You should not threaten the respondent. You should not put pressure on the respondent,” he added.

“You try to get information from the Madrasa. And conduct survey in a democratic way and with a positive attitude.”

He highlighted that with a positive approach, people would support such efforts. While acknowledging some weaknesses in madrasas, he said that government schools have even more shortcomings.

Ahmed questioned why government schools are not surveyed, something that hasn’t been done in Uttar Pradesh by the state government for a long time. He asked if the state has evaluated basic facilities like classrooms, playgrounds, water supply, or teacher availability and many unfilled vacancies?

Kanoongo denied allegations of use of force or coercion during the surveys.

A file photo of madrasa students felicitating their teachers with flower garlands on the occasion of Teacher’s Day. ANI

“They are lying. To hide their sins, they are making false allegations,” he said. “No child faced any difficulty during our inspections.”

Khanna, however, remarked that if government schools hadn’t weakened over time, trust in private schools wouldn’t have grown. He said that people opt for even the lowest-quality private schools, believing they offer education in English.

Salman Rahmani, a graphic designer from Farrukhabad, Uttar Pradesh, who received his education from a madrasa, expressed his disappointment over the politics surrounding madrasas. He said madrasa students have friends from better economic backgrounds who attend mainstream schools, and they aspire to be like them. However, their financial condition prevents them.

“With this kind of politics, you cannot be a part of madrasas nor can you be part of private schools,” he said. “This all works to break your dreams.”

(Edited by Anurag Chaubey)