New Delhi: “Kashmir is our jugular vein; it will be our jugular vein; we will not forget it.” With these words, Pakistan’s Army Chief General Asim Munir reignited one of South Asia’s most dangerous rivalries only days before a deadly terror attack in Kashmir’s Pahalgam claimed over two dozen lives.
Addressing a gathering at an Overseas Pakistani Convention in Islamabad earlier this month, Asim Munir’s declaration was not just rhetoric. Delivered in Urdu, steeped in symbolism, and timed amid rising tensions, the statement echoed far beyond the hall, where loud claps and cheers broke out.
India’s response came quickly and sharply. “How can anything foreign be a jugular vein?” officials shot back, dismissing Munir’s claim, reiterating that Jammu and Kashmir remains “an integral part of India”.
But Munir was not improvising. His words were part of a growing pattern—what analysts are calling the “Munir Doctrine”—a defiant return to ideological maximalism on Kashmir, grounded in military resolve and Islamic-nationalist rhetoric.
On 5 February this year, marking Kashmir Solidarity Day, he issued an even starker warning from Muzaffarabad, the capital of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. “Three wars have already been fought for Kashmir, and if ten more are needed, we will fight them.”
For India, Munir’s message carries a familiar menace.
For Pakistan, it signals a military high command stepping back into the ideological spotlight, invoking war, sacrifice, and sovereignty in the name of Kashmir.
And for the region, it now marks a volatile new phase in conflict.
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Munir Doctrine and Kashmir
General Asim Munir’s foreign policy vision, often called the “Munir Doctrine”, seeks to redefine Pakistan’s global alignment by moving beyond the traditional binary of choosing between the United States and China. It has three key objectives—reshaping Pakistan’s international image to appear more moderate, positioning the country as a regional middle power and a focus on security, and prioritising geo-economic development over traditional geopolitical manoeuvring.
Munir’s ascent remains marked by unusual distinction. He is the only officer in Pakistan’s history to have served as Director-General of Military Intelligence and the powerful Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). A graduate of Japan’s Fuji School, Malaysia’s Armed Forces College, and Pakistan’s National Defence University, where he completed an MPhil in strategic security management, Munir carries the institutional pedigree of an ideal soldier.
But what makes him singular is his religious profile. He is the first Army Chief who has made Hafiz-e-Quran—a Muslim who has memorised the Quran—central to his public identity.
Under Munir, military messaging, especially through Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), has shifted towards what many see as religious nationalism. From speeches denouncing “Western cultural infiltration” to warnings about social media “polluting the minds of our youth”, his rhetoric is steeped in the idea that Pakistan must return to the ideological path envisioned by its founders.
That return also includes re-centering Kashmir. In a sharp departure from past norms, Munir openly claimed the 1999 Kargil War—widely seen in Pakistan as a misstep—as a “chapter of martyrdom for national security,” reframing the conflict as a righteous act.
Since assuming command of the Pakistan Army in November 2022, General Munir has increasingly framed Kashmir as a central ideological and military priority. In a series of speeches, visits to military posts, and symbolic commemorations, Munir has signalled a hardening of Pakistan’s official line on Kashmir.
Just days after taking command, he stated during a visit to the Line of Control—the military was “ready to defend every inch” of Pakistan and “take the fight back” if war was imposed. He declared that India would “never achieve her nefarious designs”, signalling a combative stance early in his tenure.
On 5 February, Munir, in Muzaffarabad for Kashmir Solidarity Day, declared, “Without any doubt, Kashmir will be free one day and part of Pakistan, as per the free will and destiny of the people of Kashmir.”
Munir has a critical stance towards Pakistan’s neighbours, accusing Afghanistan of historically opposing Pakistan’s interests, citing its resistance to Pakistan’s United Nations membership after Independence and alleged support for the Balochistan insurgency.
About India, Munir argues that reconciliation is unrealistic, stating, “India has not reconciled with the concept of Pakistan, then how can we reconcile with them?”
Multiple platforms in Pakistan repeat his message. The ISPR wing of the military describes Indian military operations in Kashmir as a “grave threat to regional peace”. Munir himself accuses India of “state-sponsored repression” and “rising Hindutva extremism”.
In January, the Pakistan Army’s 267th Corps Commanders’ Conference took “serious note” of Indian Army Chief Gen Upendra Dwivedi’s remarks about Pakistani militants operating in Kashmir. Munir responded by warning that “any misadventure against Pakistan will be met with the full and resolute force of the state.”
Munir’s rhetoric reflects a deeper ideological current. He repeatedly invokes the two-nation theory, stating that the creation of Pakistan hinged on the idea that “our religion is different, our traditions are different, our thoughts are different”. The framing is part of a broader effort to position Pakistan’s military not only as a security force but also as a guardian of national identity and Islamic values.
In a recent speech, he said that after Mecca, Pakistan was the only country created out of Islamic principles.
An outspoken social conservative, the general also voices his disdain against what he sees as Western cultural influence and social media influence. “If we want to adopt Western civilisation, why did we get rid of Hindu civilisation?” he asked in a speech in January 2025.
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Making of a general & preacher
The Pakistan Army Chief’s speeches resemble speeches at political rallies, reclaiming the national narrative and reinforcing military dominance in civilian and ideological matters. His heavy emphasis on the two-nation theory appears more like a strategic assertion of power than a reflection of the current realities, especially given the glaring contradiction of invoking Muslim solidarity abroad while deporting Afghan refugees from home, according to political commentator Sabahat Zakariya, who ThePrint interviewed.
Under Munir’s watch, the military has cracked down on the party of ex-Prime Minister Imran Khan, revived military courts, and spearheaded the Special Investment Facilitation Council, a civilian-military hybrid, tasked with drawing foreign investment but also consolidating power. However, his ideological certitude, rooted in faith, nationalism, and what he sees as the distinct identity of Pakistan, is fast defining his legacy.
Munir has quoted Islamic scriptures, often referencing the Quran, in every public speech since assuming office in November 2022.
Born in Rawalpindi to a Syed Punjabi Muslim family who migrated from Jalandhar after the Partition, Asim Munir’s roots lie in religion. His father, Syed Sarwar Munir, was a school principal and an imam, delivering Friday sermons at a local mosque in Dheri Hassanabad, Rawalpindi. Munir received his early Islamic education at Markazi Madrasa Dar-ul-Tajweed and memorised the Quran during his posting in Saudi Arabia as a lieutenant-colonel.
He was not an alumnus of the elite Pakistan Military Academy, but Munir’s military rise was swift. Entering service in 1986 through the Officers Training School in Mangla, he earned the Sword of Honour, awarded to the best-performing cadet of the year.
He later served as Director-General of Military Intelligence in 2017 and, briefly, ISI in 2018.
At ISI, however, Asim Munir had a short-lived tenure. Appointed under Imran Khan’s leadership, Munir allegedly clashed with the then-Prime Minister over corruption allegations involving the First Lady, Bushra Bibi.
Imran Khan denied the claims, saying Asim Munir showed him no proof. The ex-PM removed Munir from his post within months, with Munir serving the shortest stint in ISI history, before reassigning him as Gujranwala Corps Commander. Munir later became Quartermaster General.
Despite political friction, Asim Munir’s rise was inevitable. Under Shehbaz Sharif’s prime-ministership and with the support of his brother, exiled former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Munir became Chief of Army Staff (COAS) on 24 November 2022, just three days before his planned retirement.
He assumed command as COAS on 29 November.
This elevation marks a turning point. Unlike predecessors who often maintained Western ties and secular facades, Asim Munir leans visibly into religious identity.
In April 2024, Asim Munir underscored the fusion of state and faith at a gathering of leading Islamic scholars. The meeting came months after a mob attacked churches in Jaranwala, Faisalabad, over blasphemy accusations. Munir condemned the extremism but reaffirmed that the state could wield legitimate force.
In his recent contested speech, Asim Munir quoted Iqbal, saying, “Apni Millat Par Qiyas Aqwam-e-Maghrib Se Na Kar, Khas Hai Tarkeeb Mein, Qoum-e-Rusool-e-Hashmi (Do not compare your nation to the nations of the West. The nation of the Hashimi Prophet is special in its composition).”
His message is clear. Pakistan, with its Islamic distinction, must remain ideologically pure. In his vision, military strength and religious ideology are inseparable.
Faith meets foreign policy
Despite his theological bent, Asim Munir has kept Pakistan’s foreign relations on a pragmatic footing. His pitch to Washington hinges on counterterrorism cooperation and economic relief, not ideology.
Facing a surge in terrorist attacks, including a deadly train hijacking on 11 March 2025 by the Balochistan Liberation Army, Pakistan has leveraged US concerns about ISIS-Khorasan (Afghanistan) to revive bilateral security cooperation after years of strained ties.
In a surprise mention in a 4 March address to Congress, US President Donald Trump thanked Pakistan for helping capture ISIS-K militant Mohammad Sharifullah, linked to the deadly Kabul airport attack in 2021 when the US military was leaving Afghanistan after years of war. This spurred renewed hopes in Islamabad for deeper counterterrorism ties with Washington, especially after the latter released $400 million for its F-16 maintenance.
At home, meanwhile, Asim Munir remains central to the crackdown on Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party. Following Imran Khan’s arrest on 9 May 2023, protests erupted. Military sites were attacked. Munir responded with a vow to try rioters in military courts—a move condemned by international human rights groups.
In November 2024, Pakistan’s parliament passed a flurry of controversial bills, one of which extended the tenure of all service chiefs to five years. Another doubled the number of Supreme Court judges. Critics say that it is a brazen attempt by the Pakistan Army to entrench judicial loyalty and solidify Asim Munir’s hold.
However, for a country grappling with economic instability, border tensions, and political unrest, Asim Munir’s blend of theology and strategy is potent and polarising. He is not the first Pakistani general to speak the language of faith. But he is the first to make it his defining grammar.
(Edited by Madhurita Goswami)
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If i were a genius, i would have made a stealth missile to hit Munir’s bottom hole with 100% precision.