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The most infamous quote by former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger goes: “It may be dangerous to be America’s enemy, but to be America’s friend is fatal.” Today, the world is witnessing the weight of that statement, including India, which in recent decades cultivated close ties with the US.
For over 25 years, India and the United States have built a partnership based on shared values and converging interests. As the world’s largest democracies, both nations are home to diverse societies, share concerns about the rise of China, and envision an open Indo-Pacific. This carefully nurtured relationship, however, has entered a period of turbulence. The second term of US President Donald Trump has turned into a roller coaster for allies, with reciprocal tariffs imposed on friends as easily as on rivals. India has been hit with a 25% tariff, along with an additional 25% from August 27, 2025—making it one of the highest tariff-paying countries in the world.
Why this sudden hostility? Analysts point to two factors. First, India’s decision to continue purchasing Russian oil after the 2022 Ukraine war. Second, India’s strong pushback when Trump unilaterally announced that he had “brokered peace” between India and Pakistan, a claim New Delhi vehemently rejected. Pakistan, on the other hand, quickly endorsed his statement and even nominated him for the Nobel Peace Prize. Offended by India’s resistance and pleased by Pakistan’s endorsement, Trump chose to escalate tensions with New Delhi. What should have been a strong, pragmatic partnership is now trapped in suspicion and retaliation.
Such short-sighted diplomacy is not only affecting India but also damaging America’s global credibility. The European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde has already signaled Europe’s intent to diversify trade ties beyond the US. Europe’s export-oriented economy is being forced to rethink its dependencies as uncertainty clouds growth projections. Meanwhile, Japan reported a 2.6% year-on-year decline in exports in July. Tariffs are only part of the story—the deeper problem is the unpredictability of American foreign policy. For allies who have long depended on Washington’s reliability, this new volatility is unsettling.
In this climate of uncertainty, the concept of multi-alignment has become increasingly relevant. For India, which once led the Non-Aligned Movement, multi-alignment is an evolved strategy—seeking to engage with all major powers without committing to any exclusive alliance. But the limits of this strategy are also visible. During Operation Sindoor, when India faced hostilities, most of its partners—except Israel—chose silence despite loudly denouncing Pakistan elsewhere. Not even Russia, historically regarded as a dependable ally, stood firmly by New Delhi. Clearly, India must not only practice multi-alignment but also reform it to deliver more reliable outcomes.
Here lies an opportunity with Europe. India and the European Union share democratic values, a commitment to the rule of law, and similar challenges regarding migration and global governance. Economically, they are complementary: Europe needs growing markets for its goods, while India requires advanced technology and investment. Strengthening India–Europe trade and strategic cooperation can provide resilience against America’s tariff-driven arm-twisting while diversifying India’s global partnerships. Both regions can help each other achieve their objectives—Europe gaining access to a vast consumer base, and India leveraging technology and expertise to accelerate development.
External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar, in his book The India Way, outlined a roadmap for Indian foreign policy: engage America, cultivate Europe, manage China, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play, draw neighbors closer, and expand traditional constituencies of support. India has made progress along these lines, but the gaps are evident. Japan, for instance, must feature more centrally in India’s strategic calculations. As the door to Southeast Asia, Tokyo is crucial for India’s Act East policy and for countering Beijing’s assertiveness. Similarly, India’s diminishing influence in its immediate neighborhood, where China has made steady inroads, requires urgent corrective steps. Partnerships alone will not suffice—India must also demonstrate that it can be a credible anchor for stability and development in South Asia.
A robust practice of multi-alignment also demands investing in new arenas. Climate change, technology governance, supply-chain resilience, and digital trade are areas where India can build issue-based coalitions with Europe, Japan, ASEAN, and African partners. This form of flexible diplomacy allows India to gain influence without binding itself to rigid blocs. It is about building coalitions of the willing, tailored to specific challenges, while maintaining autonomy in decision-making.
The coming years will test whether India can transition from being a balancing player to becoming a pole in the emerging multipolar order. That requires not just keeping multiple relationships open but transforming them into dependable, productive partnerships. India must demonstrate that multi-alignment is not a passive stance but an active strategy—one that enables India to build bridges where possible, stand firm where necessary, and maintain strategic autonomy in an uncertain world.
In an era when America’s friendships are becoming costlier, India’s best response lies in strengthening multi-alignment, deepening ties with Europe and Japan, and ensuring its voice carries weight in Asia and beyond. This is how New Delhi can protect its interests, support global stability, and emerge as one of the defining poles of the new world order.
Ayush Kumar Sen
Public Policy Analyst
Geopolitics & Strategic Affairs
Contributor – The Print (YourTurn)
Youth & Economy
Email: ayushsen9672@gmail.com
These pieces are being published as they have been received – they have not been edited/fact-checked by ThePrint.