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One of the most significant takeaways from this election has to be the ability of the Janata to see through the propaganda or smoke created in such a convoluted atmosphere. In the last decade, the ruling party has been able to get the masses hooked on the narrative of Hindu nationalism. This made sure all other issues took a backseat to a larger common sentiment. This was not a temporary phenomenon but a lasting privilege that the Prime Minister and his party enjoyed ever since they came to power. The U.P. elections in 2017 post demonetisation, followed by the national elections in 2019, were two examples of it. Post-2020, as the nationalism rhetoric had to be turned down post the Galwan episode and the successful ceasefire with Pakistan, it was the double-engine sarkar narrative that was chosen as the plank for state elections. The election of a tribal president in the middle was another symbolic side project of uniting a community under an umbrella. It did work its magic in the Hindi heartland of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chattisgarh in the state elections. The quest for a pan-Indian narrative had also started parallelly with the UCC. The “Sengol” installation from Tamil Nadu in the parliament and the grand Ram Mandir inauguration that followed were two major events aimed at uniting the South and the North, adding to the broader national narrative of the resurgence of a dharmic state. The christening of the name “Bharat” was not only a counter to the “I.N.D.I.A” alliance name but rather a symbolic extension that added more to the Hindu/Dharmic renaissance project narrative that was taking place. The ruling party’s ability to add layers and connect names with their narrative was not lost on the mainstream media, which termed the Ram Mandir inauguration a watershed moment and an end to a 500-year-old struggle in the civilization of “Bharat.” The presence of business tycoons, celebrities, and politicians added further legitimacy and strength to the narrative. The distribution of prasad from Ayodhya was expected to drive up the cadre and build a stronger sense of community belonging across different caste groups. By the end of February, even international media and diplomatic circles believed that Project Hindutva had taken complete shape and was well entrenched, that another term for Modi and that too a landslide victory was inevitable. The mood was not that of a democratic election or a contest but rather an atmosphere of inevitability, the beginning of a single-party state. “400 paar” was not just a number but rather an appeal towards this change and for the opposition to surrender. The committee setup for “One Nation, One Election,” of which the home minister was part, submitted its report just days before the election, adding to the perception that the nation was ready for such a drastic step along with making it obvious what the party’s priorities were in the near future. This was a train that was running at a reckless speed, destroying any and every obstacle on the way, making them irrelevant. When the opposition did not announce a PM candidate, it was shown as a defeat in itself. The politically high-profile arrests and earlier parliamentary dismissals were given forced legitimacy in the narrative of the fight against corruption and dynasties. As the election campaign was officially underway, the PM did not offer any promises of jobs, never talked about inflation or unemployment, or even promised an enhanced welfare scheme in the next term. For the opposition, they had no option but to keep such concerns as the main planks in their fight. The unrest among farmers and the lower classes had been brewing in the last few years. With a government-friendly media not giving enough attention and questioning the government harshly about their misgovernance, people had to search for other ways to get information. They depended more on social media and YouTube for news and found their problems addressed there. With the opposition further upping the ante, calling for social justice, and announcing mega welfare measures, the spiritual language of the PM had to change to his political tone of communalism. With the election commission refusing to take action, it clearly showed how institutions had already surrendered ahead of the next term and how this election was never contested on a level playing field. Under pressure, amid low voter turnout in the subsequent phases, the PM announced himself as the “son sent by God”. This was the last resort, aimed at telling the masses that the leader could do no wrong and could only take the country forward with his selfless work. The fact of the matter is that the party and its leaders, in turning this election into such a personalized campaign, kept their distance from the actual issues of the people and the democratic principles based on which our country had fought elections until then. This was a method of silent coercion into submission and acceptance, with the face of the leader used as a symbol of inevitability everywhere. The “400 Paar” clarion call and the rhetoric that followed had their fate written by then; it was clearly seen as a signal to a more coercive and unaccountable future. In the end, the election was fought over rights, freedom, the economy, and livelihood. And that explained the absence of a wave this time for any party, but only a powerful wave of discontent among the masses. The ruling party, despite being as dominant as they were, has been forced to open their ears to the actual noise of pain outside rather than to their own echo chambers. The rampant Hindutva train has been slowed down by the people, by the poorest of the poor, in the interest of our country, for now. Long live Indian democracy.
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