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The demand for a caste census was a fallout from the infamous slogan credited to Rahul Gandhi – ‘Jitni Abadi, Utna Haq.’ This has to be seen as one of the more absurd arguments ever. The right to all national resources and wealth vests in the nation and it is incumbent on governments not to fritter them away. Instead, they have to use and allocate them judiciously, with the sole aim of multiplying the nation’s wealth continually while ensuring wellbeing of all citizens with focus on ensuring a Minimum Acceptable Standard of Life (MASL) for all.
The failure of the nation in not being able to dismantle the caste system is evident in the rising demand for a nationwide caste census. It is a retrograde step in every possible way and yet all opposition political parties are clamouring for it. The aim of the political opposition is to paint the current government as anti-lower castes and anti-backward sections of the society. They hope to veer Dalit/SC/ST/OBC votes to their fold and ride them for a victory in national elections. It is a blatant exploitation of the poor and the less privileged but our political fraternity could not care less. The reality is that all they want is to convert them to vote banks and mark the caste of every Indian on his forehead. It is indeed a pity that the BJP government, despite its known anti caste census stance, has capitulated to this demand.
It is not that such caste numbers were not collated earlier. The first such national census was carried out in 1872. In 1901, 1,646 distinct castes were identified, this number increased to 4,147 in 1931. The last figure was also the basis of the Mandal Commission report in 1980. The 2011 census collected caste-based data for the first time after independence, but it was not made public. Reportedly, the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) of 2011 identified over 4.6 million castes and subcastes in the country. For the record, in ancient India there were only four proper castes Kshatriyas, Brahmins, Vaishyas and Shudras based on Varna (occupation) and not birth.
It may be prudent to note that the SC/ST population was estimated to be about 25% at the time of independence. More recently, a report in the Times of India dated 30 July, 2021 published an estimation of current SC/ST/OBC population based on the records of children enrolled in primary schools. It estimated that there were 45% OBC, 19% ST and 11% SC students and rest 25% were upper castes including others. These figures were in line with the data of last census in 2011 with variations limited to one or two percentage points for SC/ST and a bit higher for OBCs. For the record, in 1989-90, the Mandal Commission had estimated the OBC population at about 52%.
The data shows that not only have the percentage figures for ST/SC increased over the years, the overall figure for backward classes has shown a quantum jump with addition of OBCs. One major reason for this state of affairs is the underlying principle of once a SC/ST/OBC – always a SC/ST/OBC. The lure of reservations scores over any social stigma and that has resulted in a continual addition of new communities in these categories.
One of the fundamental principles of our constitution is ‘equality for all’. A caste census has the potential to formalise the social stigma connected with SC/ST/OBC/Dalit tagging. This goes against the need of the hour which is to remove all forms social tagging and promote equality. All those clamouring for a caste census, normally justify it by saying that with such data in hand, the government can work towards improving their financial status by allocating necessary resources. It is obvious that they have a very limited understanding of the implications of being ‘backward’ in a society. The term ‘backwardness,’ apart from a below par financial status, also reflects a more serious malady of social barriers and distancing that these sections face from others who are better placed in the society. Therefore, aim of addressing backwardness has to include both economic and social upliftment. Perhaps, the latter is more important in the long run for a life of dignity.
It is comparatively simpler to define and talk about financial needs as a suitable threshold can be laid out keeping MASL life as the target. This goal can be reached through a judicious mix of doles, freebies and development of such backward people to get jobs or prepare them for other vocations that can help them to earn a decent living. A prudent approach will aim to reduce the freebies and doles with time while increasing their abilities to find jobs or pursuing other remunerative vocations.
Does the social status of a Dalit/SC/ST/OBC change automatically if his financial status moves up by a few notches? One will have to be very naïve to answer this in the affirmative. History tells us that social biases continue unabated even if financial status improves. The large volume of complaints in the government services to investigate biases against employees from such communities stands testimony to this hard truth. If this is the harsh reality in educated and well-placed strata of the Indian society, the situation in the underdeveloped and rural areas will be many times worse.
This brings us to an important conclusion that removal of social biases is not a function of financial status alone. At the best it can act as a facilitator or a start point. Social distancing or biases are a function of the mind set of both – the one being shunned and the one who shuns. The phenomenon of social bias is a two-way traffic, where both the less privileged and the more privileged are involved. Therefore, both sections of the society have to be educated. In a nation with a population of over 1,400 million, this will be a humungous task. Unfortunately, as a nation, we have only paid lip service to address this important issue since independence. Our governments, leadership, schools, colleges and other social initiatives have failed to raise awareness in this regard and caste prejudices continue to flourish.
Economic upliftment is the fundamental right of every citizen. Poverty is not restricted to those who are socially backward but is also rampant among large sections of those who belong to the upper castes. Unfortunately, political parties, including those in power, have neglected such sections of the society for decades in their pursuit of votes and vote banks. Perhaps, the principle of equality, as enshrined in our constitution, has once again been compromised.
It is aptly clear that political compulsions have perhaps forced the cast census decision. The BJP hopes to negate the mileage that the opposition was trying to get from espousing this need. While the government may have given some thought to this exercise, one can be certain that it has not been though through. It has the potential to raise more questions and complications than one can ever imagine. The list will include:
- The number of castes, sub-castes and sub-sub castes will run into lakhs. It will be nigh impossible for the government to group them as there will be objections galore. Addressing each individually will be impossible. This can lead to an impasse.
- Castes are applicable to Hindus only. How will the government reconcile other religious groups like Muslims, Christians and Sikhs who in principle do not believe in casteism? Will these groups now present their own classifications that may lack logic in absence of any history or background.
- The above issue will be further complicated by those who have converted to other religions from Hinduism. Logically, their castes while they were Hindus will not hold good.
- Will the government issue a caste certificate to every Indian or perhaps mark it in his Aadhar card? Will this not tag a citizen with his caste for eternity?
- Will the government segregate the well off and those within the definition of poverty from the same community? If not, then will all in that community enjoy the benefits of upliftment, whatever they may be?
- Will the government revise the overall reservations percentages and quotas after such a census based on new data? In turn, how will the same be sub-allotted to different castes, sub-castes and other subsets within the same caste. One will have to be very naïve to assume that a consensus could ever be reached in such an exercise.
- Will this lead to further squeezing of available jobs and seats to upper castes?
It is time to use the Census to focus on the simple aim of upliftment of all the underprivileged in the country, both economically and socially, without linking it to their castes. The next census should focus on establishing the actual financial status of each citizen and map it with a quantifiable MASL. The Centre, in cooperation with states, should then work towards achieving this goal universally in the country. Each state should spearhead its own time bound programme, comprising of social and economic initiatives, with strict provisions to remove those who cross the MASL threshold.
These pieces are being published as they have been received – they have not been edited/fact-checked by ThePrint.