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Recently, the Jammu and Kashmir administration offloaded a fresh batch of officers which included 48 JKAS officers as part of a routine change, eliciting backlash from the erstwhile ruling class. Omar Abdullah, a remnant of the National Conference dynasty, labeled the transfer as undemocratic and conveyed an alliance meeting with the Congress and other parties .But this narrative—conveniently packaged as a defense of democratic norms—ignores both constitutional realities and the socio-political necessity of such actions. It is not democracy that is under threat in Jammu and Kashmir; rather, it is the old ecosystem of entitlement, nepotism, and shadow governance that is being dismantled.
To reduce LG Sinha’s actions to mere bureaucratic maneuvering is a profound misreading. What we are witnessing is a recalibration of statecraft in a region long held hostage by personalized politics and parochial loyalties. It is a moral and constitutional imperative—not just administrative protocol
The reforms are based upon the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act of 2019. This Act came into existence from the Indian Parliament, the highest legislative body in India as per their Constitution. The Act’s Section 53, along with Article 239A of the Indian Constitution, empowers the Lieutenant Governor with the executive control over the Union Territory, especially in matters of public order, civil services, land, and internal security.
One must appreciate the fact that the LG is not in control of the administration as a whole. The law gives him the power to act, whether by himself or in collaboration with the Centre depending on the demand of the situation. It is an irresponsible breach of judgement to argue that even routine transfers require prior agreement from politics within a setting coming off years of violence.
In order to comprehend the severity of what is being fixed, I would turn your attention towards the hyper active politics which were in full gear in Jammu and Kashmir until article 370 was put in a freezer. The political machinery around the region was not a mere machine of governance. Rather, it was filled to the brim with loyalties that served political families, and at times, even sympathisers of the more violent factions.
Political loyalty became a primary objective in administrative policies as opposed to legislative compliance. In lieu of laws, there were unwritten codes that governed. A socially scandalous incident from Pulwama comes to mind where a Sarpanch from one regional party came to some officer’and when he took time to allow him to come inside he was transferred ,that evening only .This is not governance but democracy disguised in feudalism.
Even more troubling was the penetration of the civil society framework by people either sympathetic to or in direct contact with anti-national elements. Take Anees-ul-Islam, for instance, who was made a research officer at SKICC by the PDP government.He is the grandson of separatist ideologue Syed Ali Shah Geelani. Or consider Shahid Yousuf and Syed Shakeel Ahmad, the sons of Hizbul Mujahideen chief Syed Salahuddin. They were later fired for terror financing—Yousuf from SKIMS and Shakeel from the Agriculture Department. Even Bitta Karate’s wife who was KAS officer had her posting in the Rural Development Department but was later fired from services by the same LG administration, these leaders are protesting about . Such slippages in the functioning of the administration cannot be viewed as standalone phenomena. Public services meant to be offered to the people had turned into shelters for ideological subversion.
It Is ironic that those who once ruled Jammu and Kashmir as political fiefdoms now champion democratic purity. What they mourn is not the decline of democracy—but the decline of their unchecked influence over the bureaucracy. LG Sinha’s tenure represents a fundamental inversion of this logic. His reforms place professionalism above patronage, performance above proximity, and neutrality above partisanship.
From Montesquieu to Weber, political theorists have maintained that democracy is a lifestyle and not simply a product of routine elections, but instead relies heavily upon the sufficiency of institutions. In fact, administrative neutrality is not antithetical to democracy; it is one of its preconditions. A politicized bureaucracy leads to clientelism, cynicism, and eventual collapse. A neutral bureaucracy, on the other hand, restores faith in the idea that the state exists for all—not just for the powerful.
The legal strategy Sinha proposed was not only for legal elites. It is approachable to the common man and it is certain that its success can most certainly be noted. From locations previously viewed as centers of separatist sympathies and stone-pelting, his approach brought positive change culturally. People who used to thrust stones at passerby now fundraise to organize tournaments, run innovation bootcamps, and steer entrepreneurial ventures.
The transition of alienation to aspiration was bound to happen, however the change that brought it was a governance system that depended on neutrality, clearly defined policies, and strong accountability controls. Such policies abandon the notion of the state serving as a tool for oppression and allows for manipulation, and instead emphasizes its role as a facilitator for growth and empowerment.
The past is marked by lawlessness due to political meddling in policing, corruption bred cynicism, nepotism created resentment, and recruitment was based on favoritism. While elections were held, they served as nothing but a means to validate an already arranged power system. Even without an elected assembly, the emerging social contract between the state and its citizens observed today signifies trust, performance, and inclusivity.
Some contend that statehood ought to be restored instantly. However, the absence of developed institutions renders statehood symbolically impressive yet functionally meaningless. Democracy requires strong independent institutions free from political capture temptations, without which it cannot flourish. In this phase of transition, the role of legislative governance is an anomaly, rather, a stabilizing force.
Equally invested in the rise of public trust in state institutions, economy, and terrorism being at a historic low, LG Manoj Sinha places governance on the path of law and order while promoting democracy. His measures do not undermine democracy; they set a concrete foundation for its authentic resurgence. In dismantling the old system of patronage, safeguarding these measures becomes essential.
What we are witnessing in Jammu and Kashmir is not an attempt of overreach from the center; it is the revival of constitutionalism. It moves away from the era marked by personalized, systemic corruption and governance turned violent. The anger of the erstwhile rulers is not of democratic suffocation but rather the suffering of losing authority.
Jammu and Kashmir have, for the first time in decades, a government free from demanding allegiance to a particular clan or creed as well as coercive force. This nation was built on laws and aims to ensure its intents and visions are just for all citizens, and it is that revolution which is silenced that now needs to be expanded and safeguarded.
Let us not mistake resistance to reform for democratic dissent. Sometimes, the most democratic act is not to defer to sentiment, but to uphold the sanctity of institutions and the supremacy of the Constitution.
Mudasir Dar is a social and peace activist based in South Kashmir. He is a Rashtrapati Award recipient in world scouting and has contributed to many local and national publications on a diverse range of topics, including national security, politics, governance, peace.
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