Affirmative action exists for Indian Muslims, but it must be restructured to address the hierarchy within the community. It is Pasmanda Muslims who sit at the bottom.
The Constitution is not just meant to protetct religious autonomy and the collective religious right of a community; it is also supposed to protect the fundamental rights of every individual, regardless of their religion or background.
The real problem lies in the widespread urge to take pride in the conquests of ancient rulers. Pasmanda Muslims must acknowledge that they have no connection to invaders of the past.
Mukhtar Ansari, Atiq Ahmed, Mohammad Shahabuddin did not rise to power on their own accord; rather, they were nurtured and supported by political parties serving their interests.
Ashraaf leaders seem indifferent to the concerns of Pasmanda Muslims. Instead, they exploit this marginalised group for electoral gains, trapping them in a narrative of perpetual victimhood.
Muslims—both Pasmandas and upper ‘castes’—want political representation at the national level, seats in universities, and govt job quotas. But they have different ideas on how to get it.
From blaming ‘lower’ caste Ansaris for the 1857 revolt to not allowing them into AMU, the university's founder Syed Ahmed Khan has, on many occasions, discriminated against Pasmandas.
Dalit Muslims and Christians have been mobilising to be duly added to the SC list. This is a fit case for the Supreme Court to exercise the power of judicial review.
Sometimes, we end up embroidering the truth as we overthink and overanalyse a fastidious lady’s personal wardrobe preferences for significant occasions.
No nation other than China can negotiate one-on-one with Trump on an equal footing. That’s why the middle powers who so far formed the core of multilateral bodies now feel orphaned.
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