Flexibility, concentration of effort & centralised control are essential for best utilisation of the IAF. These could be compromised under theatre commands.
The lack of all-weather connectivity to Tawang has always put India at a disadvantage to China in the region; the tunnels are thus very important to the Army.
It is necessary to break the spell of socialist dogma on the imagination of those attracted by its Utopia as the only scientific way of progress, wrote MA Venkatarao in 1963.
While bond yields tend to fall amid low inflation & interest rate cuts, market experts say they’ve been rising due to concerns over tax collections, fiscal deficit & potential impact of US tariffs.
It is one of the most advanced long-range air defence and anti-missile radars. It has been acquired under an about USD 145-million deal signed in 2020.
To be truly functional and durable, even eternal, a state doesn’t just need a leader, a party or an ideology. It needs functional and robust institutions.
I think with this approach from air force we should allow the army to acquire air assets of it’s own. Close Air Support has become as essential to armies across the world as good artillery was 3 decades ago. I realize the budget will get split but at least it will gradually start fixing army’s integrated air power requirements while keeping the air force independent.It will take time but we should definitely let army start acquiring at least some aerial assets (land support attack aircraft)
A very interesting article by AVM Arjun, lucidly spells out the thorny issues from not only an AF, but also a balanced Mil perspective. The comments too made fascinating reading. To add a few thoughts
1. The Theatre command thinking is archaic.
2. Distributing the assets of the AF, in support of Army Ops alone, may lead to a further dilution of ability in other equally, or arguably more, important roles that an AF must play.
3. Sadly ‘Jointness’ has become a convenient handle to press for more assets for the Army, with less thought for AF/ Navy.
4. The strategic reach of the IAF, over long ranges, supported by AA Refuelling and long range multi-role fighters needs to be exploited by careful management of resources by a Centralised Air Force Command, like an Air HQ, rather than be sub-divided into penny packets.
5. It would be akin to splitting up the strat photo recently capability of the IAF assets like the MiG25, (now phased out) among the many theatres @ 1-2 per Command. The end result would have been pathetic with no results to show.
6. As the author rightly points out, advocates of Theatre Commands pushing for subdivision of Air assets are thinking of a USAF or China PLAAF situation. However the IAF has had its growth in numbers stunted due ‘resource constraints’. Hence the emphasis now is fewer numbers, with greater multirole capability.
7. Such capability is best utilised Centrally, with internal synergy, to meet diverse operational goals. Splitting into smaller elements and placing them with Theatres would be a blinkered approach.
Most if not all my Army brethren would probably dismiss all the points made as ‘fiddlesticks’. It’s unfortunately reached a point where the current crop of Cdrs cannot grasp this essential aspect of Air Ops. It’s more about power and pelf. I wish it wasn’t.
The debate should be about strategic and operational level planning, and command and control of India’s armed forces as a joint entity (unitary command) where an all arms approach takes primacy vis a vis single services going it alone. This joint planning structure needs unitary command such that operational level planning and decision making devolves on that unitary cdr rather than to multiple commanders each with their own ethos, operational orientation and parochialism. It is not about splitting up the IAF amongst Theatre Commands. It is about resource decisions. Even an IAF cdr in the current system would need to take resource decisions within his area of operations. Hierarchical decision-making and leadership would be the military way to decide amongst diverse options (in say thrust lines and focus areas); where to prioritise and where not to as resources will always be at a premium. In this debate the tactical aviation needs of (say) the army under certain circumstances needs to get accepted and the unitary cdr could ask the IAF to cater for the task even if the IAF has differing priorities. If the IAF is to be the supporting service then the inter se prioritisation will need decisions from one leader and his staff rather than from each different Service. In our current structures this can often be the case. An army cdr could thus be bereft of air support with the IAF cdr thinking from a different point of view. The debate vis a vis the navy got settled to an extent after the IAF (and the IN that it needed to support) falling short in the 71 war with no worthwhile air asw in the Indian inventory at that time with lead Service for Air ASW at that time not having catered for it adequately. As a result the matter was debated from an operational point of view and the political leadership at that time prioritised after the war playing the role of that unitary cdr. As a result we have transformed and addressed an operational shortfall and found the investments for a potent air asw arm that can take the battle to the enemy. The debate must indeed take place. It is essential. For vexed decisions ( especially under resource limited conditions) to be taken unitary command of all three services is how the world does it and I for one can’t understand why it should be different for India. Planning towards a two-front war strategy itself will need resource decisions. A tactical approach would at best be harakiri and sound strategic sense should prevail as operational decisions are arrived at. If we don’t have the muscle for it then we need to think clearly and a core ingredient to critically thinking this would be unitary professional military command and leadership that the IAF challenges within the Indian system.
If resources are inadequate for integrated theatre commands, are they adequate for current theatres?
Integrated theatres are required for joint planning and execution of operations in a geographic region which must be identified as an integrated theatre.
Two issues merit attention for the rational against integrated theatres.
Firstly, air forces globally have lost three star ranks post theatrrisation. It is certain that IAF will suffer the same fate.
Secondly, air forces have not found a common philosophy of warfare. Airforces globally abhor Clausewitz, but have no one to fall back to. SOD and EBO have unfortunately failed. Thus, self preservation has become an end in itself.
The article is insightful. Whilst the proposal to create joint theater commands is well known, it is relatively rare for the lay public to read about the underlying issues involved. The AVM is right to say that Army commanders (currently, it must be said) lack the understanding of air power to be able to get the most out of the limited assets; that inter-theater flexibility of deployment might be lost. Most people, however, regard the IAF’s opposition to the concept as being born out of an existential anxiety i.e. of being subsumed into the much larger Army, of being reduced to just one arm among many within the Army and thereby losing its identity. The fact is that there are far more Lieutenant Generals than Air Marshals, and in a theater command in any case the overwhelming majority of personnel would be ground troops i.e. fewer chances of IAF officers heading these theater commands. The Army and the IAF both – perhaps more so than the Navy – is very hierarchical, and status-conscious. As seems to be happening within the Indian Army already, the Infantry – being more numerous – are assuming primacy over the Armored Corps and Artillery. The officer corps of the IAF – dominated by fighter pilot class, known for its panache, would find it hard to accept this reduction in status. Undoubtedly any change in organizational structures is bound to lead to the loss of certain attributes whilst enabling other advantages to be realized. Conceptually, we would like to understand why joint theater commands cannot work when already each of the armed services operates its own separate regional (i.e theater) commands. If the IAF and Army leaderships can flexibly deploy their respective assets between their respective commands today, then why cannot a joint leadership do the same between joint theater commands? And just as a Lt. General with an Infantry background must learn to use all arms (Armor and Artillery included) under his command, is it also not possible – with the passage of time – for the joint theater commander to learn to integrate all arms including air and land assets under his command? The IAF may need to explain further why the concept would not work if it is to have a credible argument.
High Time we Integrate. Internal consistency issues in the article :-
1. Mention of utilisation of Air Power in Kargil, needs introspection. We all remember the statement of Gen VP Malik. OP Vijay & OP Safed Sagar, two different name tags portrays it all. Were we fighting two different wars?
2. Flexibility, Concentration of Effort & Centralised Control is well appreciated by the Other two Services too. It will not be sacrificed with Integration.
3. The fourth largest airforce can not give an alibi that resources are short and will be split on theaterisation. Requirement is common doctrines, structures and processes, not batwara of assets. Even Army & Navy assets are swung between commands and fleets. It’s easier with air.
4. Now who will articulate these joint doctrines, when all air warriors across the board vehemently oppose Jointness. This seems to be a party diktat devolved to avoid common understanding.
5. The silver lining however is a fig leaf of juxtaposed endnote,
I quote
“Should such clarity emerge from within India’s politico-strategic establishment in the years ahead, a road map on future structures could then be laid out.”
It’s like asking for Manna from Heaven.
6. It will be appreciated if three Services look at supporting each other, refine joint doctrines, streamline structures and procedures, to facilitate efficiency and effectiveness and achieve competitive advantage.
Air forces across the world have grappled with the reality that while they have the capability to deter and coerce at the strategic level and shape and impact the land and maritime spaces, they lack the staying power that boots on ground and warships demonstrate to sustain operational and strategic outcomes.
This paragraph is in essence the “sum of all IAF fears” and IAF myopia is today’s biggest hindrance to synergy with the IAF.
I think with this approach from air force we should allow the army to acquire air assets of it’s own. Close Air Support has become as essential to armies across the world as good artillery was 3 decades ago. I realize the budget will get split but at least it will gradually start fixing army’s integrated air power requirements while keeping the air force independent.It will take time but we should definitely let army start acquiring at least some aerial assets (land support attack aircraft)
A very interesting article by AVM Arjun, lucidly spells out the thorny issues from not only an AF, but also a balanced Mil perspective. The comments too made fascinating reading. To add a few thoughts
1. The Theatre command thinking is archaic.
2. Distributing the assets of the AF, in support of Army Ops alone, may lead to a further dilution of ability in other equally, or arguably more, important roles that an AF must play.
3. Sadly ‘Jointness’ has become a convenient handle to press for more assets for the Army, with less thought for AF/ Navy.
4. The strategic reach of the IAF, over long ranges, supported by AA Refuelling and long range multi-role fighters needs to be exploited by careful management of resources by a Centralised Air Force Command, like an Air HQ, rather than be sub-divided into penny packets.
5. It would be akin to splitting up the strat photo recently capability of the IAF assets like the MiG25, (now phased out) among the many theatres @ 1-2 per Command. The end result would have been pathetic with no results to show.
6. As the author rightly points out, advocates of Theatre Commands pushing for subdivision of Air assets are thinking of a USAF or China PLAAF situation. However the IAF has had its growth in numbers stunted due ‘resource constraints’. Hence the emphasis now is fewer numbers, with greater multirole capability.
7. Such capability is best utilised Centrally, with internal synergy, to meet diverse operational goals. Splitting into smaller elements and placing them with Theatres would be a blinkered approach.
Most if not all my Army brethren would probably dismiss all the points made as ‘fiddlesticks’. It’s unfortunately reached a point where the current crop of Cdrs cannot grasp this essential aspect of Air Ops. It’s more about power and pelf. I wish it wasn’t.
The debate should be about strategic and operational level planning, and command and control of India’s armed forces as a joint entity (unitary command) where an all arms approach takes primacy vis a vis single services going it alone. This joint planning structure needs unitary command such that operational level planning and decision making devolves on that unitary cdr rather than to multiple commanders each with their own ethos, operational orientation and parochialism. It is not about splitting up the IAF amongst Theatre Commands. It is about resource decisions. Even an IAF cdr in the current system would need to take resource decisions within his area of operations. Hierarchical decision-making and leadership would be the military way to decide amongst diverse options (in say thrust lines and focus areas); where to prioritise and where not to as resources will always be at a premium. In this debate the tactical aviation needs of (say) the army under certain circumstances needs to get accepted and the unitary cdr could ask the IAF to cater for the task even if the IAF has differing priorities. If the IAF is to be the supporting service then the inter se prioritisation will need decisions from one leader and his staff rather than from each different Service. In our current structures this can often be the case. An army cdr could thus be bereft of air support with the IAF cdr thinking from a different point of view. The debate vis a vis the navy got settled to an extent after the IAF (and the IN that it needed to support) falling short in the 71 war with no worthwhile air asw in the Indian inventory at that time with lead Service for Air ASW at that time not having catered for it adequately. As a result the matter was debated from an operational point of view and the political leadership at that time prioritised after the war playing the role of that unitary cdr. As a result we have transformed and addressed an operational shortfall and found the investments for a potent air asw arm that can take the battle to the enemy. The debate must indeed take place. It is essential. For vexed decisions ( especially under resource limited conditions) to be taken unitary command of all three services is how the world does it and I for one can’t understand why it should be different for India. Planning towards a two-front war strategy itself will need resource decisions. A tactical approach would at best be harakiri and sound strategic sense should prevail as operational decisions are arrived at. If we don’t have the muscle for it then we need to think clearly and a core ingredient to critically thinking this would be unitary professional military command and leadership that the IAF challenges within the Indian system.
If resources are inadequate for integrated theatre commands, are they adequate for current theatres?
Integrated theatres are required for joint planning and execution of operations in a geographic region which must be identified as an integrated theatre.
Two issues merit attention for the rational against integrated theatres.
Firstly, air forces globally have lost three star ranks post theatrrisation. It is certain that IAF will suffer the same fate.
Secondly, air forces have not found a common philosophy of warfare. Airforces globally abhor Clausewitz, but have no one to fall back to. SOD and EBO have unfortunately failed. Thus, self preservation has become an end in itself.
The article is insightful. Whilst the proposal to create joint theater commands is well known, it is relatively rare for the lay public to read about the underlying issues involved. The AVM is right to say that Army commanders (currently, it must be said) lack the understanding of air power to be able to get the most out of the limited assets; that inter-theater flexibility of deployment might be lost. Most people, however, regard the IAF’s opposition to the concept as being born out of an existential anxiety i.e. of being subsumed into the much larger Army, of being reduced to just one arm among many within the Army and thereby losing its identity. The fact is that there are far more Lieutenant Generals than Air Marshals, and in a theater command in any case the overwhelming majority of personnel would be ground troops i.e. fewer chances of IAF officers heading these theater commands. The Army and the IAF both – perhaps more so than the Navy – is very hierarchical, and status-conscious. As seems to be happening within the Indian Army already, the Infantry – being more numerous – are assuming primacy over the Armored Corps and Artillery. The officer corps of the IAF – dominated by fighter pilot class, known for its panache, would find it hard to accept this reduction in status. Undoubtedly any change in organizational structures is bound to lead to the loss of certain attributes whilst enabling other advantages to be realized. Conceptually, we would like to understand why joint theater commands cannot work when already each of the armed services operates its own separate regional (i.e theater) commands. If the IAF and Army leaderships can flexibly deploy their respective assets between their respective commands today, then why cannot a joint leadership do the same between joint theater commands? And just as a Lt. General with an Infantry background must learn to use all arms (Armor and Artillery included) under his command, is it also not possible – with the passage of time – for the joint theater commander to learn to integrate all arms including air and land assets under his command? The IAF may need to explain further why the concept would not work if it is to have a credible argument.
High Time we Integrate. Internal consistency issues in the article :-
1. Mention of utilisation of Air Power in Kargil, needs introspection. We all remember the statement of Gen VP Malik. OP Vijay & OP Safed Sagar, two different name tags portrays it all. Were we fighting two different wars?
2. Flexibility, Concentration of Effort & Centralised Control is well appreciated by the Other two Services too. It will not be sacrificed with Integration.
3. The fourth largest airforce can not give an alibi that resources are short and will be split on theaterisation. Requirement is common doctrines, structures and processes, not batwara of assets. Even Army & Navy assets are swung between commands and fleets. It’s easier with air.
4. Now who will articulate these joint doctrines, when all air warriors across the board vehemently oppose Jointness. This seems to be a party diktat devolved to avoid common understanding.
5. The silver lining however is a fig leaf of juxtaposed endnote,
I quote
“Should such clarity emerge from within India’s politico-strategic establishment in the years ahead, a road map on future structures could then be laid out.”
It’s like asking for Manna from Heaven.
6. It will be appreciated if three Services look at supporting each other, refine joint doctrines, streamline structures and procedures, to facilitate efficiency and effectiveness and achieve competitive advantage.
Air forces across the world have grappled with the reality that while they have the capability to deter and coerce at the strategic level and shape and impact the land and maritime spaces, they lack the staying power that boots on ground and warships demonstrate to sustain operational and strategic outcomes.
This paragraph is in essence the “sum of all IAF fears” and IAF myopia is today’s biggest hindrance to synergy with the IAF.