In politics, contradictions are constant and electoral promises are forgotten too quickly. As Nepal goes to the polls on 5 March, contradictions and campaign promises are at their peak. The elections were triggered by the Gen Z movement of September 2025, when Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli was forced to resign, the House was dissolved, and an interim arrangement was put in place.
The movement sparked global attention, with Gen Z youth challenging the old guard and demanding change that is inclusive, equitable, and transparent.
Against this backdrop, the four major parties in the electoral fray—Nepali Congress led by Gagan Thapa; Communist Party of Nepal-UML (CPN-UML) led by Oli; Nepal Communist Party (NCP) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal alias Prachanda; and the Rabi Lamichhane-led Rashtriya Swatantra Party (RSP)—have released their manifestos.
Across party lines, the documents converge on familiar themes: economic growth, employment, youth, healthcare, education, agriculture, infrastructure, foreign policy, governance and constitutional reforms, women and inclusion, diaspora engagement, and climate.
Youth remain the focal point, for obvious reasons, given that the elections stem directly from the Gen Z movement. Development, growth, and reform dominate the rhetoric. However, this is where the contradictions emerge, raising a larger question: will the Gen Z uprising lead to change, or prove to be just another episode of mass protest?
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Contradictions first
If any leader suffered the biggest political loss during the Gen Z movement, it was KP Oli. In the last 17 years of Nepal’s democratic journey, he has largely preferred leading the government to sitting in opposition. A clear mandate might have justified his repeated returns to power, but coalition arithmetic and number games shaped his political journey.
Now seeking reelection, Oli faces a central dilemma: how to reconnect with the very youth who forced him out. Electoral compulsions seem to have softened his tone and campaign promises. With nearly 1.9 crore registered voters, including around 9.1 lakh first-time voters, casting their ballots on 5 March, the youth vote is decisive.
CPN-UML’s main promise is hard to miss: 10 GB of free internet data for those in the 18-28 age group. In addition, there are proposals such as a $10,000 card for entrepreneurs and those in IT and startup, and a minimum monthly wage of NPR 25,000 for workers. For a party whose government blocked 26 social media applications, offering free data now shows the contradiction. Can free internet resolve problems like employment, education, and equal opportunities? Or does it simply ignore them?
Given that Oli was at the heart of the Gen Z protests, there was an expectation of internal leadership change within the party and that the CPN-UML would elevate a younger face. But Oli has been reelected as the party’s chairman for the third consecutive time. Can Nepal expect a change in the functioning of his administration?
This reflects a short-sighted policy approach within the party.
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Other offerings and promises
Similarly, Nepali Congress, the NCP and RSP have offered benefits in social security, healthcare, and subsidised loans. The youth-specific promises include skill development, entrepreneurship, foreign employment, reform, digital jobs, IT parks, youth self-employment, and state-backed credit.
There is also attention given to digital development in Nepal. For instance, the Nepali Congress focuses on maximising e-governance, the CPN-UML promises digital infrastructure, the RSP promises to make government services fully online, and the NCP makes expanding digital services to rural areas a key priority. Education reforms and the establishment of new institutions also appear across manifestos.
Institutional reforms, diaspora connect
Governance has also found prominence in electoral promises. Nepali Congress vouches to strengthen anti-corruption institutions, CPN-UML proposes administrative reforms, RSP calls for constitutional reform and a directly elected executive. NCP emphasises federal strengthening and inclusion.
But what catches the attention is the parties’ focus on the diaspora. With remittances contributing more than 25 per cent to Nepal’s GDP and an estimated 2.1 million Nepalese living abroad, mainly in India, Malaysia, the GCC countries, and Australia, the diaspora wields a huge influence on their families’ voting behaviour, and shape political discourse by amplifying the voices of the youth on social media.
A key diaspora demand has been voting rights through online or absentee ballots. While the interim government under Prime Minister Sushila Karki explored the possibility, the Election Commission cited ‘legal’ and ‘technical’ constraints. Nepali Congress promises voting rights. RSP explicitly supports online voting, whereas CPN-UML and NCP focus only on labour diplomacy and protecting the interests of migrant workers.
However, manifestos offer no explicit resolution in dealing with crisis evacuation mechanisms. In recent years, Nepalese citizens in Afghanistan, Ukraine, Israel, and Iran have appealed for assistance during conflicts. State response has been largely missing, with third countries, like India, frequently stepping in.
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Nepal’s foreign policy
As a landlocked country, Nepal often finds itself at the crossroads of geopolitical competition between India and China. While ties with India have traditionally been close, the rise of China as a strong development partner, especially after the 2015 India-Nepal border tensions and the 2020 territorial dispute, has altered strategic calculations. Although the Belt and Road Initiative, signed in 2017, is yet to see the light of day in Nepal. Meanwhile, the rise in anti-India sentiment, especially among the youth, and social media trends have led parties to approach foreign policy issues cautiously.
Nepali Congress—a party that has enjoyed fruitful ties with India—adheres to a balanced foreign policy, protecting sovereignty and non-aligned diplomacy. CPN-UML uses the slogan of ‘friendship with all.’ Nepal’s ties with India under KP Oli remained tense, with Oli known for invoking ultra-nationalist sentiments. It will be interesting to see if Oli still uses that approach in this election. RSP adopts a more positive approach to foreign policy, proposing to transform Nepal into a ‘bridge state’ between the two neighbours. On the contrary, Prachanda’s NCP takes a hard line, laying out a ‘sovereignty first and anti-external interference stance.
None of the parties explicitly names specific countries in their manifestos. Yet the election outcome will shape Nepal’s diplomatic posture. Rising diaspora numbers require Nepal to work on an all-inclusive and national-interest centric foreign policy that was marred by political instability in the last 17 years, with no government completing a full five-year term.
Nepal elections: Moving forward
Nepal is set to see a high-voltage electoral contest between three established parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and NCP— against the relatively new RSP, which won 20 seats in the 2022 through youth-centric and merit-based candidate selection. While more than 60 parties are in the fray, the principal contest seems to be between the old guard who have resisted the change and the new guard positioning itself as reformist, by bringing popular leaders like Balen Shah. It could win big, if not outright majority.
Given past and current polarisation, a hung parliament remains likely. Alliances between the Nepali Congress and the RSP are possible. However, CPN-UML continues to be a formidable contender, because it retains a strong cadre base and traditional voter support.
Nepal needs to break the cycle of unstable coalitions and short-lived governments. It must not let the spirit of the Gen Z movement go in vain.
Rishi Gupta is a commentator on global affairs. Views are personal.
(Edited by Prashant Dixit)