Prime Minister Narendra Modi has done to India-Poland ties what others couldn’t do in four decades. In his maiden trip to an independent Warsaw on 21 and 22 August, the two sides elevated their age-old bilateral relations to a “strategic partnership”. Warmth and equality of intent could be seen in the unusual roundtable seating, where all members of the high-powered delegation sat equidistant and facing each other.
After a hugely successful trip to Poland, Modi has now reached Kyiv. Another unprecedented feat by an Indian PM on the eastern side of the European order.
Beginning of a strategic partnership
The joint statement, which the Ministry of External Affairs has now released, mentions a crisp five-year action plan to implement the goals of the ‘strategic partnership’.
The Action Plan (2024-2028) is broadly divided into 10 sections covering almost all aspects of the bilateral relationship. It begins with a mechanism to regulate an annual political dialogue at the deputy foreign minister-level, and strengthen security and defence cooperation to promote industry-level contact and modernisation of military equipment. It is heartening to see that the joint working groups for defence cooperation, first formed in 2003 but lying dormant for the last few years, have been revived immediately. The next round will take place in 2024 itself.
While the action plan also mentions other aspects of the relationship, defence cooperation is likely to be the mainstay. This type of partnership can be divided into two parts—defence industry cooperation and joint exercises. Both together complement the defence and security domain. Thus, the Ministry of Defence’s decision to open a new Defence Wing in Poland last year, with a Brigadier rank officer to oversee various aspects of cooperation, has worked in the best interest of the two sides. It reiterates the impact of timely decisions in harnessing the true potential of a bilateral relationship.
The first leg of this defence industry cooperation is modernising India’s T-72 tanks. It is a no-brainer. Poland, one of the biggest supporters of Ukraine, has donated all its Soviet-era equipment to Kyiv. Its technical expertise is lying vacant and can easily cater to India’s modernisation needs as Russians themselves are focused on a war, their Military Industrial Complex under duress.
Warsaw is undergoing the biggest defence modernisation in its history, replacing old fleets and inventories with NATO standard weapons from the United States and other nations. The folds of these dynamics open up a win-win space for India and Poland to work together for the upgrade mentioned above.
Not many know that WB Group, the largest private defence company in Poland that’s well known to its counterparts in Europe, has been active in India through WB India. Known for their state-of-the-art solutions in advanced military systems and electronics, the group can invest in the country with a private Indian company for drone platforms and other cybersecurity systems.
The MoD has recently announced two defence industrial corridors in Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, where the focus on drone manufacturing is obvious. It is indeed the right time for WB India to enter that space and play its part in revitalising the Indian defence sector with the co-design, co-development and co-production of defence equipment.
India and Poland have also been cooperating for long on a specific version of Armoured Recovery Vehicles (ARVs) called the WZT-3. It has been jointly made by Poland’s Bumar and India’s BEML, both of which have played a key role in supporting the T-72 Main Battle Tank.
For a while, the two sides have been brainstorming the upgrade of the WZT-3s with WZT-3M. In 2023, The Indian side issued a fresh RFI (request for information) for ARVs. The Bumar is already an important contender owing to its experience with India. The newly signed strategic partnership and its five-year action plan could push the Bumar deal through.
The two sides can also co-produce Borsuk, an amphibious infantry fighting vehicle produced by the Polish Armaments Group (PGZ). Poland has replaced its ageing fleet of Soviet-era tracked BMPs with Borsuk, and can support India’s quest for replacing its BMPs as well. Lest it be forgotten, the recent discussion in India about the US-made Strykers and the indigenously made WhAPs (Wheeled Armoured Platform Vehicles) could be supported by another kind of amphibious tracked IFVs in the spirit of diversification.
Let’s also not forget that Poland remains a crucial destination for India’s defence exports. It is time that New Delhi explores its role in the massive multi-billion military modernisation underway in Warsaw. South Korea is on board with deals on K-2 Tanks, K-9 Self Propelled Howitzers and more. The India–Poland Action Plan could make other JWGs to assess the viability of similar discussions with India and amplify the outcomes.
The other vertical of the defence and security cooperation concerns joint exercises, which can build trust and interoperability between the two sides bilaterally and multilaterally. With new strategic partnerships across Europe and increasing joint exercises, India has demonstrated the will to play a more visible role in the continent.
The action plan also highlights opportunities in tech, agriculture, agri-tech, food- tech, energy, climate, green technologies, infrastructure, smart cities, healthcare, pharmaceuticals and mining. Further cooperation in these sectors will be explored in the next Joint Commission for Economic Cooperation (JCEC) meeting scheduled for the end of 2024. Countering terrorism and all its manifestations will be addressed through concerted efforts. Close interactions on cybersecurity have been mentioned as well.
People-to-people ties, academic exchanges and enhancing tourist flows also find a rightful mention in the document. The two sides will also be working on a landmark social security agreement soon.
Acknowledging India’s partnership with the European Union, the statement reaffirms support for ongoing EU-India trade and investment negotiations, operationalising of the India-EU Trade and Technology Council (TTC), and the implementation of the India-EU Connectivity Partnership. Poland will assume the chair of the EU council in January 2025, when a new commission is expected to take office simultaneously. Ursula Von Der Leyen is continuing as the EU Commission president. With India’s good friend holding the presidency of the EU Council, ties can be expected to galvanise further, and to the best interest of all.
Also read: Ukraine invasion of Kursk has shocked Russia. Now scope for land-for-land negotiation
The road ahead
The India-Poland relationship has come a long way. And it is set to go beyond the tasks identified in the action plan, which serves as a great starting point. The potential, here, is huge. Many dynamics interlink the two theatres, with strategic implications and economic opportunities. Take Poland and Europe’s growing interest in the developments of the Indo-Pacific, and intensifying dialogue with partners such as South Korea and Japan. At the same time, India’s intervention and interest in stabilising the European theatre is growing, with more entwined interests with European partners.
Next year, Poland will also be chairing the connectivity project of 14 countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) from Greece in the south to the Baltics in the north. It’s called the Three Seas Initiative. These economies collectively represent more than a trillion USD in GDP, and are untapped markets for an emerging economy like India.
Indian businesses must diversify investments in CEE ports like Thessaloniki in Greece, which is connected to the other three seas countries through rail, road and ship links. Poland is set to hold the three-seas presidency in 2025 while simultaneously holding the presidency of the Council of the EU. It also has a brand-new strategic partnership with India, which is why it must invite Modi to explore the second leg of the India-Europe infrastructural cooperation at a more regional level.
This will pave the way for connecting diverse geographies through economic connectivity, multi-modal corridors, building resilience in production and supply chains, and attracting investments with a futuristic approach.
For many decades, India’s engagement with and knowledge of Europe was restricted to the big four nations – the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Russia. Everything in between was relegated to the background. As New Delhi breaks away from ‘legacy-apathy’ in all realms of its foreign policy, it is also time to relearn the nuances of Western theatre. After all, it continues to be one of the most bankable partners for India in various dimensions.
The government’s sustained efforts in this direction, as highlighted by noted foreign policy and international affairs commentator C Raja Mohan, have remained under-appreciated. It is time for strategic relearning in New Delhi as it basks in the glory of a truly intersectional global moment.
The writer is an Associate Fellow, Europe and Eurasia Center, at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. She tweets @swasrao. Views are personal.
(Edited by Zoya Bhatti)