Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s state visit to France, like his official state visit to the US, will be big on both pomp and substance. The visit reflects the gravitas of India’s long-standing partnership with France. Unlike the United Kingdom or Portugal, India has rarely viewed France from the lens of a former colonial power. Instead, New Delhi sees a close partner in Paris, which shares India’s worldview, protects Indian interests, and has similar concerns.
In fact, Modi’s visit to France on 13 July marks the 25th anniversary of the India-French strategic partnership. This will be the second time since 2009 that an Indian prime minister is the guest of honour at the Bastille Day parade with Indian Armed Forces participating. This is the sixth time Modi is visiting France since 2015. President Emmanuel Macron has rolled out the red carpet for “his friend” PM Modi and will host a special dinner in the iconic Louvre.
Beyond the ceremonial displays of friendship, India and France share a similar outlook towards international affairs—both countries prefer a multipolar order as that enables them to play an active role in the global arena. Both have strong national identities and seek strategic autonomy, prioritising their freedom of decision-making in foreign policy and viewing the world through a lens of deep pride.
Having developed its own nuclear deterrent, France has consistently backed India and avoided castigating or sanctioning the country over its nuclear programme. France even offered to provide enriched uranium to India when the US suspended deliveries to the Tarapur nuclear power plant in 1978.
Unbreakable ties
Modi has called India’s relationship with France ‘unbreakable’, which has stood the test of time. One of the areas in which this is clearly reflected is France’s strong support of Indian interests at the United Nations, especially when it comes to terrorism.
During the Cold War era, the Soviet Union was India’s veto-wielding friend on the UN Security Council, especially when it came to issues like Kashmir. In recent decades, France has become a staunch supporter of India, vetoing Pakistan’s proposals on Kashmir and coordinating with Indian efforts at the UN Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and on the 1267 Sanctions Committee.
The two countries also share similar views on the Indo-Pacific and have increased their collaboration, both bilaterally and multilaterally in this arena. They are deeply concerned about China’s aggression and its increasing economic and military influence. However, both prefer a nuanced way of dealing with China that avoids taking sides or creating confrontation.
More broadly, France sees itself as a resident Indo-Pacific power since several of France’s islands are in the Western Indian Ocean. This way there is greater strategic alignment between India and France than between India and the US, whose focus is more on the Eastern Indian and Western Pacific Oceans.
Additionally, regular military exercises have been a fixture since the 1990s. India’s first joint naval exercise, ‘Varun’, after the 1998 nuclear tests, was with France, and its 21st edition was held in January 2023. The Indian Air Force’s 2003 exercise with the French Air Force was its first with a foreign counterpart since the 1960s, and the 7th edition was conducted in November 2022. France and India also conducted their first joint military exercises in March 2023, known as France India Joined Exercise (FRINJEX).
Moreover, India and France signed a White Shipping agreement in 2017 to track commercial ships and decided to set up a joint space-based maritime surveillance system in 2019. In 2018, the two countries also signed an agreement to provide reciprocal access to military facilities, opening the door to French naval visits to Indian ports.
Because of this deal, India has participated in two joint naval patrols with France out of Reunion Island since 2020. It indicates a shared desire to protect freedom of navigation in a region that is critical to India’s interests. During the state visit, New Delhi and Paris are expected to sign a bilateral roadmap for maritime security in the Indo-Pacific.
The two countries have also expanded their cooperation to include other partners in the region. India, France, and Australia held their first trilateral dialogue in 2020, focusing on maritime security, the blue economy, and humanitarian assistance. The two countries have also established a Trilateral Cooperation Initiative with the UAE agreed to establish and they held their first joint exercise in June 2023.
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Supporting India’s indigenisation goals
Defence exports have been another area of growth. France has been a long-standing defence supplier to India, dating back to India’s purchases of France’s Ouragan and Mystere fighter-bomber aircraft in the 1950s. Paris cemented its relationship as India procured Jaguars, Mirages, and Rafales in the next decades. Between 2018 and 2022, 30 percent of India’s defence imports were from France, which became India’s second-largest defence supplier.
Unlike many Western countries, France has been understanding of India’s desire for indigenisation and is willing to share technology, including in sensitive areas. In 2016, India signed a contract for the purchase of 36 Rafale fighter jets. An announcement regarding the proposal to buy 26 Rafale-M (Rafale-Marine) jets was made during Modi’s visit.
In 2005, India signed a technology transfer agreement for six Scorpene (Kalveri) class submarines to be manufactured by the Indian state-owned Mazagon Docks. Five of these submarines have entered service. During Modi‘s visit, India is expected to announce the purchase of three additional submarines. These new defense deals are reportedly worth $10 billion.
There is also talk of a military deal whereby helicopters and jet engines would be manufactured in India with 100 per cent technology transfer from the French major Safran to India’s HAL (Hindustan Aeronautics Limited). While this technology may not be as state-of-the-art as American defence technology, it is modern compared to India’s Russian equipment and furthers New Delhi’s goals of indigenisation.
This week, the two countries are expected to sign a defence-industrial roadmap to support India’s indigenous defence manufacturing, and they may expand collaboration on advanced network technology, space startups, and India’s human spaceflight mission. This follows the 2019 ‘Roadmap on Cybersecurity and Digital Technology’, in which the two countries had agreed to cooperate on strategic technologies like AI, 5G, and quantum computing.
There is also the likelihood of an agreement between NPCI (National Payments Corporation of India) and the French company Lyra to launch India’s digital payment technology Unified Payments Interface (UPI) in France. If that happens, France would be the second country after Singapore that would allow users in either country to make cross-border transactions.
India and France also share major economic ties. After a gap of five years, the India-France CEOs Forum has been revived and will hold a meeting in Quai d’Orsay, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs office, on 14 July.
France is the 11th largest foreign investor in India, with investments totalling $10.49 billion between April 2000 to December 2022. Annual bilateral trade, excluding defence trade, stands at $14 billion in 2022. Manufacturing forms the bulk of this, though, in recent years, ties in the field of energy, especially renewable energy, have grown.
In 2015, India, France, the UAE, Australia, and a few other countries jointly founded the International Solar Alliance, which today includes 121 countries. The aim is to harness solar energy by mobilising $1 trillion in investments by 2030. Beyond renewables, a challenge that France, like the US, is facing is that India’s strict nuclear liability laws have hindered the establishment of a major French nuclear power project.
Overall, for India, France is a trustworthy friend and a dependable defence and technology supplier in the West who shares India’s worldview. For France, which seeks to play a bigger role in the Indo-Pacific, India’s economic potential and geo-strategic location make it the ideal partner.
Aparna Pande is Director of the Initiative on the Future of India and South Asia at the Washington-based Hudson Institute. Pranav Pattatathunaduvil is a rising junior at Yale University majoring in Global Affairs. Views are personal.
(Edited by Ratan Priya)