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HomeOpinionEye On ChinaThis is how China is reading US-Saudi Arabia ties

This is how China is reading US-Saudi Arabia ties

Trump’s announcement of a security arrangement that would allow Riyadh to acquire jets like Israel’s F-35 is seen in China as much more than a routine arms deal.

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A wave of commentary across Chinese media has focused on one question: Why did United States President Donald Trump roll out a red carpet for Saudi Arabia Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman during his recent Washington visit? For many Chinese observers, the answer is straightforward: It’s transactional. The US is trading access to its prized F-35 fighter jets for Saudi Arabia’s vast capital.

Trump’s announcement of a security arrangement that would allow Riyadh to acquire jets like Israel’s F-35 is seen in China as much more than a routine arms deal. If implemented, Saudi Arabia would become the only Middle Eastern state other than Israel to operate this level of advanced capability, potentially recalibrating the regional balance. Across Chinese commentary, the deal is framed as a deliberate US effort to leverage high-end arms sales to maintain influence amid a perception that Washington’s strategic position in the region is increasingly constrained.

US’ Middle East policy through Chinese eyes

Chinese commentators argue that Washington’s Middle East policy is quietly shifting. The era of unconditional backing for Israel is giving way to a strategy of diversification, profit-seeking, and reduced strategic burden. From this perspective, the US is balancing regional partners, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and others, to shape a more favourable security architecture, while spending less political and military capital.

From a military-industrial perspective, columnist Bai Yujing suggests Trump’s “F-35 card” is driven more by economic necessity than geostrategic foresight. Lockheed Martin and the broader US defence sector face cash-flow pressures, and Trump needs ‘visible and tangible’ orders to support the industry and fulfil his promise to “make American manufacturing great again.” Bai further explains Saudi Arabia, long viewed as a source of vast funds, becomes a natural target. A purchase of 48–50 F-35As at $110 million each totals over $5 billion, with ammunition, training, and 30-year maintenance potentially bringing the sum to $10 billion.

Military analyst Zhang Xuefeng identifies three drivers behind Washington’s willingness to supply F-35s to Riyadh:

  1. Economic: Global demand for the aircraft has slowed as some European countries delay purchases.
  2. Competitive: Withholding advanced systems risks ceding market share to other suppliers of fifth-generation fighters.
  3. Reputational: Arab states’ trust in US security guarantees has weakened following Israel’s airstrikes on Qatar, requiring Washington to restore credibility.

Chinese observers see these factors as part of a broader trend: The US is using arms sales to reassert influence while managing a period of relative decline in the Middle East. Even as its footprint contracts, Washington aims to keep Saudi Arabia firmly within its strategic orbit by offering high-end weapons and deepening defence ties. Analysts argue the F-35 offer signals both Washington’s commitment to Riyadh’s military ambitions and its calculation that a stronger Saudi Arabia ultimately protects American interests, particularly vis-à-vis Iran.

The commentary also highlights the deal’s political and economic dimensions. Arms transfers are viewed as levers for shaping regional alignments, nudging Riyadh toward US-preferred positions such as participation in the Abraham Accords. Economically, the agreement supports the US defence industry, while potentially attracting further Saudi investment, a dynamic described as “arms for capital.” In this view, the F-35 sale is part of a broader effort to prevent Saudi Arabia from drifting away from the US-led security framework.

A Baijiahao commentary sums up the sentiment: The deal is grounded in mutual calculation. For Saudi Arabia, it offers reassurance amid the war in Yemen and regional volatility, while providing access to advanced systems and signalling continued American support. For the US, reinforcing ties with Riyadh is a pragmatic response to challenges to its influence, a way to retain centrality in the Middle East without expanding its military presence. Some analysts also suggest that the F-35 sale could alter the regional military balance and potentially weaken Israel’s advantage over neighbouring states.


Also read: How Saudi Arabia is using China to grow its influence, hedge the US


China in the mix

Chinese social media, especially Weibo, has questioned Pentagon concerns that the F-35 sale could give China access to advanced technology, given Saudi Arabia’s growing security ties with Beijing. One user dismissed the aircraft as “industrial garbage,” while another noted that as China’s J-35E matures and F-35 delivery pressure increases, Saudi Arabia’s strategic choices may profoundly shape the Middle East’s future.

Another Weibo post, however, warned that the real risk lies with the US: “If the US sells F-35s to Saudi Arabia, Riyadh will acquire not only American technology but also Israeli technology. Saudi Arabia’s close ties with Russia raise the risk that this technology could reach Moscow or Islamabad. Such a transfer would erode Israel’s military advantage, challenge US technological dominance, and potentially place the world’s most advanced fighter jets in the hands of hostile actors. This is not a sale of ‘generic military hardware.’ The F-35 is the trump card of the US Air Force and the backbone of Israel’s deterrent.”

Overall, Chinese discourse frames the US-Saudi security deal, including the F-35 sale, as transactional, strategically calculated, and potentially risky for Washington itself. From Beijing’s perspective, the US is attempting to influence Middle Eastern politics, regain influence, and bolster arms sales, which is seen as a direct challenge to China’s objectives and influence in the region.

Sana Hashmi is a fellow at the Taiwan-Asia Exchange Foundation. She tweets @sanahashmi1. Views are personal. 

(Edited by Theres Sudeep)

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