Across the varied reading of the NSS in Chinese media, one thread recurs: The more Trump leans toward isolationism, the more volatile the global order is likely to become.
‘India has 200 Russian aircraft and multiple S-400s. Now Putin brings Su-57s and S-500s. Given China-India and India-Pakistan dynamics, what game is he playing?’ wrote a Weibo user.
Trump’s announcement of a security arrangement that would allow Riyadh to acquire jets like Israel’s F-35 is seen in China as much more than a routine arms deal.
Hu Xijin, former editor-in-chief of the ‘Global Times’, described Takaichi’s behaviour as political sleepwalking and said that Japanese leaders must become more self-aware.
Chinese commentators consistently portray India as the driver of rapprochement. New Delhi’s outreach is framed as a pragmatic, reluctant choice shaped by multiple pressures.
The central theme emerging from Chinese online discourse is that while Trump may now acknowledge China’s strength and treat it as an equal, this recognition is driven more by fear and strategic anxiety than by genuine intent for collaboration.
Under Xi, the CCP’s political structure has become even more centralised and male-dominated. Power increasingly revolves around a tight inner circle of male loyalists.
General MM Naravane’s memoir—Four Stars of Destiny—reveals that he was left hanging by political leadership for more than two hours as Chinese tanks drove towards Indian positions.
The key to fighting a war successfully, or even launching it, is a clear objective. That’s an entirely political call. It isn’t emotional or purely military.
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