Chinese commentators consistently portray India as the driver of rapprochement. New Delhi’s outreach is framed as a pragmatic, reluctant choice shaped by multiple pressures.
Ayni’s origins lie in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when the United States invaded Afghanistan and the international order briefly seemed open to new alignments.
BBC warns of implications of unrest in Nepal for India while WSJ highlights tensions between India and China and US concern over ‘Beijing-Moscow-New Delhi axis’.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made his first visit to China since 2018 for SCO summit, met Chinese President Xi Jinping Sunday and is also set to hold talks with Vladimir Putin.
Prime Minister Modi, in China for SCO summit, is in a meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping and will hold a bilateral dialogue with Russian President Vladimir Putin Monday.
Do India and China share a strategic or geopolitical alignment? Are there signs of improving relations in this aspect? Yet again, the evidence points in the other direction.
In Chinese discourse, India is portrayed as playing both sides, indecisive, and lacking strategic coherence, a “fence-sitter” unable to secure the confidence of either Washington or Beijing.
External affairs minister is on 2-day visit to China, his first since 2020 Galwan clashes. He’s set to meet Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi before going to Tianjin for SCO meet.
As Visakhapatnam readies a mega airport, the Andhra Pradesh government has revived its shelved Dagadarthi project, aiming to boost cargo and connectivity on the south coast.
Both the Russian and Ukrainian militaries are leaning on drones, but they’re also firing cruise and ballistic missiles, some of them relatively new and experimental.
UK, EFTA already in the bag and EU on the way, many members of RCEP except China signed up, and even restrictions on China being lifted, India has changed its mind on trade.
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