Maharashtra BJP workers are confused, not demotivated—party must counter ‘outsiders’ narrative

The BJP has its own calculations of electoral politics, but it needs to develop new strategies. Alliance with NCP is just the tip of the resentment iceberg for party workers.

Maharashtra Deputy Chief Ministers Ajit Pawar and Devendra Fadnavis | ANI file photo

Why did the Hindutva movement, based on Hindutva thought, become successful in India? What led to its significant impact across sectors such as the socio-cultural, political, education-health, rural development, and environment, among others? In reality, the period when the Hindutva ideology began to take shape and grow systematically as well as the decades preceding it were highly challenging for the philosophy.

The movement has also witnessed a time when people uttering words such as Hindu, Hindutva, Rashtra, and Nationality were considered irrelevant, insignificant and politically-ideologically untouchable. Despite lacking political backing; government resources; funding from domestic or international, legal or illegal monetary sources; or other such support, how did this movement manage to flourish rather than fade away over the 75 years since the country’s independence? What was the source of its strength?

The answer to this question is very simple. The source of strength of the Hindutva movement is nothing but the activist who puts both his sattva (goodness) and swatva (selfhood) at stake. He is the soul of this movement. It is the inner strength of the activist that has led Hindutva to become the central point in various socio-economic spheres within India. 

Activists in the Hindutva movement

Today, the remarkable influence of Hindutva ideology in the country’s politics and state system is a product of this inner strength. Although politics is one of the many aspects of the Hindutva movement, we have all witnessed in the past ten years the potential for societal and national transformation through the effective application of political power. The activist is the prominent reason for Hindutva’s success in politics, which becomes evident when we analyse the history of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or the erstwhile Jana Sangh, the political face of the Hindutva movement.

Important questions have emerged in Maharashtra regarding this ‘activist culture’, the answers to which have become imperative for the Hindutva movement in view of the challenges ahead. Chief among these is ‘What is the role of the ground-level political activist?’ Particularly, ground-level volunteers themselves are questioning their position within the current political landscape. In this article, we’ll think along the lines of these questions.

Every successful leader in the BJP or Jana Sangh, from former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been an activist. None of them inherited leadership; they earned it by proving their convictions. Even in Maharashtra, Pramod Mahajan, Gopinath Munde, and Nitin Gadkari along with the deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis are activists who turned into leaders. All these leaders understood this reality, which is precisely why they became successful and made significant contributions to society.

An activist in the Hindutva movement is not limited to a single individual or a specific group of people but it is an institution which on the one hand can be adaptive and on the other, extremely committed and determined. Though no personality cult is encouraged, the activist is able to develop leadership qualities as per the requirements of the political scenario.

Today, important questions have emerged in Maharashtra regarding this ‘activist culture’, the answers to which have become imperative for the Hindutva movement in view of the challenges ahead. Chief among these is ‘What is the role of the ground-level political activist?’ Particularly, ground-level volunteers themselves are questioning their position within the current political landscape. In this article, we’ll think along the lines of these questions.

Alternatively, an accomplished and successful person, who may build an excellent hospital or educational institution and dedicate years to the cause, can be seen calling himself only an activist. No modern sociological analytical framework has been able to decode the institution of the activist, which spans anyone from a prime minister to a volunteer in a small village.

Confused, not demotivated

We have witnessed the results of the Lok Sabha elections on 4 June. Every Hindutva activist rejoiced that a Sangh Swayamsevak, an ardent patriot, and an austere personality like Modi once again became the Prime Minister of India. However, the significant decline in the BJP seats in this election, especially in states such as Maharashtra where the BJP and their allies secured less than half of the seats, became a cause of concern. 

Various journalists, writers, political analysts, etc. have analysed the election results in varied and contradictory ways. Hence, there is no point in reiterating the same issues. The purpose of the article is to initiate a broad discussion of what has happened in the past ten years and what is likely to happen in the near or far future, and the fundamental question that arises in this regard: ‘What is the role of the ground-level activist today?’

During every struggle so far, be it the Emergency, the fight for Ram Janmabhoomi, the 2014 shift in power, or even social work during calamities, the activist has remained the core of the movement. Activists were evolving into leaders and carrying these initiatives forward. The party also facilitated the transition from activist to leader by offering opportunities for leadership development. In fact, in the past 30-40 years, the BJP is perhaps the only party (except communist parties) with a structure that naturally facilitated this process, since all other parties increasingly concentrated around specific dynasties and struggled to produce new leaders. 

Due to this natural ability of the BJP, the party has produced numerous accomplished leaders at the national and regional levels—a process that is still ongoing. If the Hindutva movement had been so fragile that it could have been wiped out by a single election win or loss, it would have faded away in the 70s and 80s. Instead, the party has thrived by absorbing both its setbacks and successes. 

So what has led to the current situation, particularly in Maharashtra? In the context of the upcoming Assembly elections, there seems to be a growing rumour that BJP or Hindutva supporters are disillusioned, fearful, and disheartened to fight because of the Lok Sabha results. Such narratives are typically spread by those who have long opposed the Sangh-BJP, but this is not the truth. Today, the activist who believes in Hindutva is not demotivated but defeated and confused. There are many questions facing those who believe in nationalism and Hindutva. This landscape can change only if the confused activist understands his role in the current political process.

Engaging with activists

Recently, Saptahik Vivek sought to gauge the mindset of the Hindutva activists on this matter. Our team travelled to Pune, Pimpri-Chinchwad, Satara, Karad, Sangli, Miraj, Kolhapur, Ichalkaranji, Ratnagiri, and Chiplun along with Mumbai and Thane. (We will also be travelling to other parts of the state.) During this expedition, along with local BJP activists handling various major or minor responsibilities, we encountered well-educated and reputed individuals who share Vivek’s societal views and representatives from various institutions and organisations of the Sangh Parivar, totalling up to over 150 such individuals.

If we include Mumbai and Thane, the number of total engagements goes beyond 200. The interviewees included many entrepreneurs, doctors, lawyers, CAs, engineers, professors-teachers, journalists, businessmen, and traders. These were individuals that are successful in their respective fields with a good socio-political understanding of their respective regions and great public relations. 

By engaging with them personally, we discussed their local political situations, recent developments in the Lok Sabha elections and potential outcomes in the Assembly elections in a comprehensive and transparent manner. This reaffirmed the facts mentioned above, prompting us to address the issue as a committed media outlet within the Hindutva movement.

While discussing the reasons behind the Lok Sabha failures or voicing personal dissatisfaction and unease, almost every activist begins by addressing the alliance with the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). It is clear that the average BJP activist has not liked the alliance between the NCP and the BJP. Party leaders are aware of this, as evidenced by Devendra Fadanvis’ recent comments on the topic in an interview. 

Key arguments from this [the Opposition’s] narrative are that the BJP is becoming a party of imported leaders, that it is a ‘washing machine’, and that BJP’s core activists are losing their importance in the party. Recent actions by certain BJP leaders concerning senior Hindutva advocates on social media have amplified this unease.

The activists accepted Shiv Sena’s rejoining of the alliance, the internal dissent within the party, and Eknath Shinde’s swearing-in, among other developments. With Hindutva as a shared link and the alliance having a decades-long history, the voters were convinced (despite minor dissatisfactions) that this alliance was a natural one. However, this feeling started to wither away when the NCP joined the alliance, to which the election results have added further resentment.

Naturally, political leaders or parties have their own calculations and biases with respect to electoral politics. However, if these calculations appear to be incorrect, new strategies must be developed. The involvement of the NCP is just the tip of the resentment iceberg. 

Rethinking the role of outsiders

As previously discussed, the BJP’s most significant strength is its natural progression of activists advancing to leadership roles. However, party workers have begun to worry that such opportunities may become rare in the future. One of the primary reasons for this is the effectively orchestrated narrative by the Opposition on social media. Key arguments from this narrative are that the BJP is becoming a party of imported leaders, that it is a ‘washing machine’, and that BJP’s core activists are losing their importance in the party. Recent actions by certain BJP leaders concerning senior Hindutva advocates on social media have amplified this unease.

The activists are generally awarded opportunities and responsibilities at various levels, ranging from nagarsevak, sarpanch, and panchayat samiti or district council member to MLA, MP, minister, state minister, and chairman of corporations. There is a need to think carefully about what the role of the party’s lifer activist and the outsider. This does not necessarily mean that every outsider is wrong or incapable. Today, many outsiders are also working effectively for the organisation and ideology.

We have observed that those who criticise the BJP for factionalism have been responsible for fragmenting multiple parties in Maharashtra themselves. However, if the opposition’s narrative of ‘outsiders within the BJP’ is effectively reaching the grassroots level, we have to find the reason for it. Moreover, the question of the role of the Hindutva activist is not limited to obtaining a political position. 

Many activists are successful in their job, business, or industry and don’t need any political benefits, but are engaged in work related to Hindutva as they believe in the ideology. They have a sphere of influence, a network, in their respective regions. When activists ask, ‘What is our role,’ they are questioning the significance of their perspectives and contributions.

What issues related to Hinduism at the local level, spanning governance, industry, economy, education, employment, and overall civic life have been addressed, to what extent, and how have these matters been communicated to the public? Most crucially, what role have these activists have played in this process? It is evident that these concerns have not been met with satisfactory responses.

Today, a well-educated middle class has emerged among all castes, which was not the situation 40-50 years ago. The BJP received substantial support from this middle-class demographic in both 2014 and 2019 elections. If this group now feels disconnected, it poses a significant issue.

It is also important to see what narrative we are presenting to the educated class which has various perspectives on societal issues. For example, it has respect for the struggle faced during the Emergency or the sacrifices and bloodshed for the Ram Janmabhoomi. It is also ecstatic that the Ram Temple has been built, however, how effective will these issues be for the voter below the age group of 40-45? Even if the voter strongly identifies as Hindu, he may not feel the inference of issues from 30-40 years ago while working as a youth activist.

Hindutva’s way forward

The BJP needs to build an ecosystem to understand the issues of the century and provide ways to resolve the problems of the new generation. According to the educated activist, there are many problems related to Hindutva in his region too, such as encroachment by a particular segment of the society or issues such as love jihad. He wants the party to do something about such issues as they are related to Hindutva as well as governance.

In states such as Madhya Pradesh, the party has achieved great success in consecutive elections for Vidhan Sabha and Lok Sabha because of excellent coordination among the government, other Hindu organisations and activists, and the direct beneficiaries of various decisions and schemes. However, in Maharashtra, there is a lack of communication and coordination among various groups, including government bodies, party activists, supporters from like-minded institutions and educated, well-informed members of society. Each of these elements operates in isolation.

Until effective interaction is established and activists are given their rightful place in the process, the current state of confusion will persist.

One key finding from Vivek’s expedition is that even in this challenging situation, our activists understand that we have to remain motivated. If we buckle, there is a real risk that our country and Maharashtra could descend into chaos, undoing a decade of progress. The activist also sees emerging threats in the state, highlighted by the recent Lok Sabha elections and the Opposition’s surrender to certain communities.

There is a pressing need for Hindutva forces to unify on their core principles. Whether at the national or state level, in the party or government, the effective leadership of BJP has a clear and focused commitment to our ideology, which is crucial for Maharashtra’s safety. To overcome the current political and ideological challenges, extensive efforts are necessary at all levels.

Recognising this need within the party could mark a pivotal moment for both the BJP and Hindutva’s advancement in the state. Effectively using the available communication channels to share future plans with the Hindutva activists is crucial to winning the upcoming Assembly elections. To ensure the activists’ wholehearted participation, it is necessary to provide them with space and direction.

Nimesh Vahalkar is a journalist and former chief sub-editor at ‘Saptahik Vivek’. He tweets @nimeshsvahalkar. Views are personal.

This article was originally published in ‘Saptahik Vivek’ in Marathi. It has been translated and is being reproduced here with permission.

(Edited by Prasanna Bachchhav)