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HomeOpinionEye On ChinaHow China is seeing Operation Sindoor

How China is seeing Operation Sindoor

In the days following the Pahalgam attack and after Operation Sindoor, the message in China is consistent: with Beijing’s support, Pakistan can not only match India, but outpace it.

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Operation Sindoor may be unfolding on the ground, but the battle of narratives is already playing out online, with Pakistan dominating the discourse in China. On Weibo, the hashtag #Pakistan_shoots_down_6_Indian_jets garnered over 9 crore views within hours. Chinese news outlets like Guancha and 163 carried bold headlines: “Pakistan shot down 6 Indian military aircraft, including 3 Rafales” and “Pakistan’s victory in the first battle”.

This framing marks a clear shift. Pakistan is no longer seen as a fragile state on the brink of collapse, but a capable military power increasingly viewed as India’s equal. Since the Pahalgam terror attack, Chinese analyses of India’s military posture have intensified, with a notable change in tone. Pakistan, once the weaker rival, is now seen as ready for conflict. The deployment of Chinese-made systems, such as PL-10 missiles on JF-17 jets, acts as a proxy showcase for Beijing’s defence capabilities, reinforcing confidence in China’s military-industrial strength despite its lack of recent combat experience.

This narrative does not exist in isolation. Chinese scholars such as Long Xingchun, Hui Suisheng, and Liu Zongyi consistently characterise India as the destabilising actor in South Asia, casting Pakistan’s moves as defensive. Citing “Modi’s aggressive rhetoric”, Lin Minwang, vice president at Fudan University’s Institute of International Studies, described Operation Sindoor as inevitable. “Tensions had peaked—inaction would have meant losing face,” he wrote.

While India views the attack as targeting Hindus, Lin questioned the Pakistan link. He called the Kashmir Resistance Front a local insurgent group, ignoring the group’s links to Lashkar-e-Taiba.

A stronger Pakistan?

On multiple Chinese platforms, Pakistan is now depicted not just as resilient but modernising. A Weibo hashtag, #India_opens_fire_on_Pakistan_without_provocation, sparked intense debate and reinforced the idea that Pakistan is preparing for escalation. Pakistani officials, including its ambassador to Russia, have openly declared readiness to escalate to nuclear conflict if needed. “Pakistan will use all types of capabilities, including conventional and nuclear,” the ambassador warned in an interview with Chinese media.

As the discourse evolves, key questions surface: Would China back Pakistan in a wider conflict? Some commentators highlight India’s unresolved border disputes with both Pakistan and China, arguing India’s actions are calculated provocations.

“Has India forgotten the lessons of 1962?” a commentator wrote. Such views underscore the perception that China’s support is helping Pakistan close the military gap.

Despite its smaller size, Pakistan’s forces are increasingly seen as technologically advanced and strategically agile, posing a credible challenge to India’s might. In contrast, India’s large military—14 lakh active troops and a Rs 6.81 lakh crore defence budget in 2025—is portrayed in Chinese commentary as fragmented. It’s seen as a patchwork of outdated Soviet-era tanks, Western jets, and domestic systems. In this view, Indian Army’s lack of integration could hinder its battlefield efficiency, while Pakistan is more cohesive and strategically focused.

Chinese discourse does acknowledge India’s upgrades—T-90 tanks in Kashmir, Rafales armed with Meteor missiles—but frames them as reactions to Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence. The 2019 MiG-21 incident, where Pakistan downed an Indian jet and captured its pilot, remains a defining moment in this narrative. With Chinese support, Pakistan has acquired SH-15 howitzers and J-10C fighters. Though India retains numerical superiority, Chinese analysts argue that Beijing’s support shifts the strategic balance.

Articles like one in the Shanghai Observer highlight Pakistan’s weapons tests—the Fatah missile and Abdali Weapon Systems trials in May—as direct responses to India’s post-2019 air upgrades. Meanwhile, Indian efforts to restore air dominance are framed as attempts to recover from that earlier “humiliation” and “shameful experience”.


Also read: Away from LoC, General Munir is losing a far more fateful war within Pakistan


China’s strategic support to Pakistan

China has long viewed Pakistan as a key counterweight to India, bolstered by Beijing’s military and economic support. During the 1965 war, China supplied J-6 fighters and artillery to offset India’s edge. Today, Chinese analysts still position Pakistan as a strategically empowered ally, benefiting from diplomatic, technological, and logistical backing, even as Beijing avoids direct military engagement.

The prospect of another India-Pakistan conflict is increasingly seen through the prism of Chinese hardware. Pakistan’s deployment of J-10CE jets and YJ anti-ship missiles is expected to counter India’s French Rafales and indigenous carriers, according to the Chinese views. Though India’s military and budget are larger, Chinese commentators claim that Pakistan’s emphasis on air power, fueled by Chinese tech, could balance the equation.

A minority view in China admits Pakistan’s vulnerabilities, especially in ground forces, as India invests in UAVs and FPV drones. Still, the prevailing sentiment is optimistic: with ongoing reforms and sustained Chinese backing, Pakistan can gradually narrow the gap.


Also read: Operation Sindoor strikes aren’t the ‘end’. It’s the first salvo of a long-drawn-out battle


Slanted talk

Chinese narratives about a potential India-Pakistan conflict largely ignore India’s security concerns or civilian casualties. Instead, they focus on portraying Pakistan as a victor and rising military power empowered by Chinese partnership. China is not just an ally but a decisive enabler—its weapons and technologies are cast as game-changers.

Operation Sindoor has become central to this narrative. On Chinese platforms, the incident is not seen as a setback for Pakistan but as a strategic inflection point.

“Pakistan downing an Indian aircraft is a moment in global military strategy and proof of China’s strength,” a Weibo user wrote. Another post claimed that with platforms like the J-10CE, YJ missiles, and upcoming additions like the J-35 and 054B frigates, Pakistan would gain clear superiority. The message remains consistent: with China’s support, Pakistan can not only match India, but outpace it.

As tensions persist, China increasingly casts Pakistan as a proxy partner, actively shaping the strategic landscape in the Indian subcontinent. This is no longer just a matter of bilateral rivalries or ‘all-weather friendships’—it has become a proving ground for military systems, with Chinese platforms pitted against India’s blend of indigenous and Western technology. For Beijing, it is both a bid for regional dominance and a showcase of its defence prowess. For New Delhi, there is no ambiguity: China is not a neutral actor, and never will be.

Sana Hashmi, PhD, is a fellow at the Taiwan-Asia Exchange Foundation. She tweets @sanahashmi1. Views are personal.

(Edited by Prasanna Bachchhav)

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1 COMMENT

  1. Hold on. Just a few weeks ago another article on this website said Chinese equipment is junk and useless. So which is it? You can’t have it both ways.

    Yes, China will continue to back Pakistan for geopolitical reasons but that also has limits. Pakistan still continues to be a loyal American ally. Pakistan is also barely standing. Any widespread collapse and they first folks they’ll turn to is China. China is stuck keeping them on life support.

    As for social media opinions, well the average Chinese is similar to the average Indian or American. They know little of world history besides what is shown in tv media or what they pick up on while scrolling on their phones.

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