New Delhi: The battle in today’s India is between those dreaming of equality and those upholding Brahminical hierarchy. It is within this context that senior journalist Ajaz Ashraf situates the contentious legacy of Bhima Koregaon as a site and symbol of Dalit liberation in his book, Bhima Koregaon: Challenging Caste.
In the book, he discusses the events following Elgar Parishad—held to commemorate the Battle of Bhima Koregaon’s 200th anniversary on 31 December 2017—and the wrongful arrest of 16 activists, professors, and journalists, collectively known as BK16.
“The entire rhetoric in Maharashtra, the way people understood Bhima Koregaon, was through celebration,” said Ashraf, speaking at the launch event for his book. “But was Bhima Koregaon really a symbol of liberation for the Mahars?” This Scheduled Caste community was historically oppressed by a Brahminical society.
The launch event, held at the Press Club of India on 26 June, featured a conversation between Ashraf and Jenny Rowena, a professor of literature at Delhi University’s Miranda House and wife of Hany Babu, who is part of the BK16.
Ashraf shared the findings of his research while also acknowledging a gap. There’s no singular account of what happened at Elgar Parishad—which saw the coming together of over 200 civil society groups that were pelted with stones and faced attacks the following day—nor is there one way to assess Bhima Koregaon.
The battle in question dates back to 1 January 1818, when about 850 soldiers of the East India Co. defeated the 25,000-strong army of Peshwa Bajirao II in Bhima Koregaon. According to Ashraf’s estimate, at least half of the soldiers on the British side were Mahars. Bhima Koregaon then metamorphosed into an identity, “a trope for the fighting prowess of Dalits, and the possibility that they could turn on its head a social order of which they were decidedly among the exploited.”
It was a belief system, a fulcrum of hope, notably adopted by BR Ambedkar.
However, Dalit liberation was never a matter of interest for the British, just like it hadn’t been for rulers before them.
Ashraf narrated how in 1786, during the rule of Aurangzeb, Mahars of the Konkan region wanted Brahmin priests to officiate their marriage ceremonies. When the matter came before Aurangzeb—he decided to uphold “tradition”, asking Mahars to find priests in their own communities.
“This desire for equality, if you can call it that, stretches back centuries,” said Ashraf.
What happened at Elgar
Two centuries after the Battle of Bhima Koregaon came Elgar Parishad, the events of which are traced by Ashraf in his book. Along with the civil society groups, Radhika Vemula (mother of Rohith Vemula) was also present at the event.
“There were plays and songs about the inequality of caste. It was fascinating on two levels—they also went out of their way to mock Narendra Modi. How come they had so much courage? There was already a crackdown against those who spoke out,” Ashraf said. “Intelligence reports suggested that the Elgar Parishad was going to be opposed by the RSS.”
The opposing groups were the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Samasta Hindu Agadhi, run by a Hindutva leader named Milind Ekbote from Pune.
In the riots on 1 January 2018, there were two opposing groups—the Marathas and the Dalits. According to Ashraf, whose account has been pieced together through police reports and eyewitnesses, a man carrying a blue flag apparently ran into a saffron flag, which Ashraf said, “was out of the ordinary”.
This set off the violence.
“It triggered so many things. And this is how riots are manufactured. We think they’re spontaneous. But here we see it’s deliberate.”
Many contradictory accounts appear, including from policemen, and the place of provocation varies.
“But a funny thing remains—who was that man with the blue flag?” Ashraf asked.
Also read: Historians have given ‘marginal treatment’ to Punjab. A new book fills the gap
Enduring injustice
Hany Babu, one of 16 people charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), was arrested in July 2020, allegedly for participating in the riots. Babu remains imprisoned to this day.
“When the police came to our house, we didn’t know much about Elgar Parishad. We didn’t know the meaning. We had to ask the police,” said Rowena.
Of the BK16, only seven are out on bail, with journalist-activist Gautam Navlakha being the latest one to be released. Father Stan Swamy, a Jesuit priest and tribal rights activist, died in custody. Suffering from Parkinson’s, he was denied a straw and sipper repeatedly, with the police once requesting 20 days to respond to Swamy’s plea for the straw.
The very first FIR in the case held Milind Ekbote and fellow Hindutva leader Sambhaji Bhide as part of the riot conspiracy. Ekbote was released after a month in jail, while the case against Bhide was dropped.
Despite the swift arrests, charges against Babu and the others are yet to be framed. “If they are such big terrorists, then why is the state delaying the trial?”
Ashraf’s book contextualises the history of Bhima Koregaon by placing it in today’s times— through interviews with family members of the BK16.
“The case is not only known for implicating people, there’s also a conspiracy at work,” Ashraf alleged. In 2022, American tech magazine Wired ran an investigative report on how hackers had “planted files” to frame Stan Swamy.
The questions at the discussion were primarily concerned with the status of those incarcerated. Rowena spoke about the injustice of it all—Babu is a professor of English at Hindu College, and even if he is out on bail, will not be reinstated. Letters from students refer to him as a “hero” and a “true inspiration”.
“Until he’s acquitted, he can’t go back to the university. And I don’t think that will happen.”
(Edited by Prasanna Bachchhav)
“Ashraf narrated how in 1786, during the rule of Aurangzeb,-Mahars of the Konkan region wanted Brahmin priests to officiate their marriage ceremonies. ”
Madam , Auranjeb died in 1707. So it should Shah Alam-II.