In its UP campaign, BJP has displayed all the weaknesses usually chronic to Congress: lack of a clear CM candidate, infighting, absence of a grassroots organisation & agenda.
The ordinance-mania is back in fashion. The recourse to amending the law or writing fresh legislation is a tempting escape for politicians from constitutional checks and balances.
Opposition is out of Parliament almost permanently, as was the case in the last months of Rajiv Gandhi's government. The two leading parties are not even on talking terms any more.
An ironical aspect of our reform's history has been opposition from within, stemming from unevolved intellect, inter-corporate lobbying or a clash of political ambitions.
As voters become more prosperous, acquire a greater stake in their lives and become more aware, they are rising above petty concerns, hatreds and prejudices when making an electoral choice.
It may be wishful thinking but this campaign in Gujarat may force both BJP and Congress towards the middle, with themes of governance, economic reform and better life.
In BJP’s history, this is the first election that will be won, if it is won, not by Vajpayee’s personal popularity or oratory, nor by Advani’s guile or alliance arithmetic.
If India wishes to unravel the complexities of Kashmir, constitutional autonomy is a pretty good starting point. The debate so far was dominated by people who never cared to understand the basic issues.
Two questions are pertinent: Why does the Trump administration keep making the same mistakes on the peace proposal? And what does a hurried peace plan mean on the ground?
While global corporations setting up GCCs in India continue to express confidence in availability of skilled AI engineers, the panel argued that India’s real challenge lies elsewhere.
Without a Congress revival, there can be no challenge to the BJP pan-nationally. Modi’s party is growing, and almost entirely at the cost of the Congress.
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