I have come to Malabar many times, more than thirty years ago as well as recently. The latter-day flying visits have not left such deep impressions in my memory tablets as what remain like events of yesterday, the memories of my many countrywide wanderings and long sojourns of 1920 and the period immediately following, during the inauguration of Non-cooperation. Those were great days. My old friends and colleagues of that period are almost all gone out of commission, dead or incapacitated. Even the young volunteers of those days who served with filial affection and high-pitched patriotism are now, most of them, out of commission for one reason or another.
Malabar’s political atmosphere was then very different. It is not an exaggeration to say that it was the brightest spot in South India as far as enthusiasm for Swaraj went. You may wonder if I say that I was then vastly popular in Malabar. The young men gave me their loyalty in a manner that made their elders fear me as one who came to disrupt families. There were then only two camps—one a camp for the spirit of adventure to achieve freedom, the other a conservative camp that nervously held on to safety and, therefore, to Britain. Today things are very different. We have achieved the political objective. But the object of all political institutions remains yet to be achieved. We have hard constructive work before us. On the one hand, all sorts of slogans are hurriedly composed and shouted without much understanding. On the other, people are after making as much money as possible. A limited view of life has resulted in greater greed, and moral values have deteriorated. I am certain if there is to be hope for India and for Malabar, moral values should be restored; moral values can be restored only if we grasp the truth that time is eternity, and God and goodness are realities that must guide life.
I am glad the temporary attraction that in recent times communism seemed to exercise on the youth of Malabar has proved to be only an attraction of adventure and not of reasoned choice. The disillusionment has come—communism has lost its glamour all over India wherever it had found some footing. In Malabar, there are conditions that favour a free and adventurous spirit among young men relatively more than in other areas. The family and the property system prevailing among the intelligent and significant sections of the population leave young men comparatively free for adventure. The social order here tends to release a great quantum of youthful energy. There is a simplicity of life here that helps sacrifice and adventure and which has survived the onslaughts of urban changes in other parts of India. All these causes explain the temporary progress made by new ideas in this area. But truth must finally triumph against temporary illusions and it has largely triumphed all over the country and in Malabar also.
One can understand communism hiding itself in the old days behind non-political names and institutions when repressive laws were being operated against it. It had justifications then to go underground and to wear masks. But now, when there is no ban and when communists can sit in Parliament and State Legislatures and shout their doctrines and programmes and publicly organise their work, why do they still delight in “peace movements”, “student federations”, “progressive writers’ associations,” and “cultural congresses” and such other numerous masks? They seem ever to seek devious ways for catching fish and not the straightforward way of discussion and persuasion on the main issue. That must lead to the conclusion that there is something wrong in their ideology; otherwise why are they shy of daylight?
Be it what it may, I am glad to tell you that the communist Party in India is not very happy now. They are, it may be said, in the doldrums. Many of them doubt whether it was wise to win in the elections and take part in open parliamentary work. They feel they were better off underground. They feel parliamentary activities have resulted in jealousy, ambition, supine satisfaction and rifts. They are, therefore, desperately looking out again for something that may confuse the issue. So they look out for some unauthorised procession and a lathi charge, some unnecessary strike and marches of unemployed workmen or sit-down demonstrations. These may make their men forget their doubts and differences and also confuse the public mind. Desperate remedies disclose the existence of a desperate disease. communism has crossed over the peak of its success in India and it is now on the decline—a precipitous decline.
If communists give up parliamentary work they will be doing a foolish thing. If they go underground or do acts of economic or other sabotage, they will have to be dealt with severely and it will be done. If they are wise, they will stick to parliamentary and open work. That is the straightforward way when the law allows it. They will get everything just from me. Of course, they cannot commit murder or other grave offences and hope to get away with it. That is the only condition that I lay down. I shall deal with everything else sympathetically and justly and with no party bias. The truth is there is no future for communism in India. There is too much reverence for true religion and proper respect for moral value in India for communism to make headway.
Why, even in Austria, which is only 40 miles from the Iron Curtain, where occupation forces are still encamped including the Soviet forces, where all the rich oil resources are managed to pay heavy reparations to USSR, where the communist Party is doing its utmost to win the people in that country during the last three elections held during a continuous period of over six years, not more than five per cent voted communist in any election. Ninety-five per cent opposed communism. Why? Because the people there have seen things. In all the Southern European countries under communist rule or domination the party men are well off, but the people are hungry. In Hungary, which was a most prosperous country previously, which exported food to other countries, now there is hunger and ration cards. Same in Bohemia, that is Czechoslovakia. It was the finest industrial country in Europe once upon a time. It sold to all civilised countries and got all it wanted. Today it is still fully industrious but engaged in heavy industry only for the sake of Russia. Its food supply is under ration. I say all this from very long and closely cross-examined talks I have had with responsible and well-informed people. Be it as it may, communism is down and out in India. Of course, the shouting will be all the greater. All the same, people have once [and] for all lost the glamour that for a time misled them. Some rich men have a tendency to help the communists out of fear. No one need be afraid of communists. Fear is a bad policy in all matters.
Like the pathological bacteria that look out for vulnerable points, the opponents of the Congress have tried to seize upon trouble spots. They try to beguile workmen into strikes and to get credit by intimidating employers to agree to terms. But workers have begun to understand. They, in turn, desire to exploit the self-appointed leaders and use them. They know who is paying them wages and through whom they finally get what they ask for. No section of the community, least of all poor workers, can prosper unless the country as a whole enjoys steady prosperity. Stoppage of work and, what is worse still, the constant fear of dislocation prevents general confidence and prosperity, which are the foundations for the well-being of every section of the community.
The issues raised in favour of the tillers of the soil have to be examined calmly apart from slogans and party considerations or election reactions. The vital thing for the country is the steady production of agricultural wealth. The actual conditions of agricultural work should be kept in mind and every effort should be made to see what is likely to produce the largest benefit to the people, what arrangement will bring together all that is needed for good, continuous cultivation of the gardens, the corn fields and the maintenance of live-stock. This is the essential thing; not what is it that will bring a larger number of voters to this party or that. He is a traitor to the country who does his parliamentary work from the point of view of votes forgetting the true interests of agriculture and the lasting prosperity of the land.
The bogey of communism may now be put aside. But that does not mean our work is done. We have made ourselves trustees of the affairs of the people and we should in the discharge of that trust, remember God, forget selfishness, and do our duties wisely and without haste, with patience, imagination, and understanding.
This is part of ThePrint’s Great Speeches series. It features speeches and debates that shaped modern India.