Return to hyphenation is dreaded because our successive govts have laboured for three decades to rid us of what we see as the equivalence big powers used to draw between us and Pakistan. Three things follow.
Islamabad and Rawalpindi do not want to create an impression of subservience to Chinese power, especially when the administration in the United States is about to change hands.
PTI leader Syed Zulfi Bukhari announced plans to raise Imran Khan’s incarceration with Trump’s team. Defense Minister Khawaja Asif said the government won’t relent even if Trump requested.
This is Asim Munir’s first trip to US as Pakistan Army chief and comes ahead of Pakistan general elections, slated for February 2024. Trip coincides with Supreme Court verdict on Article 370.
Agreement similar to one India signed with the US in September 2018 — Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA). India has declined to comment on development.
The gunman who demanded Siddiqui’s release in exchange for hostages at a Texas synagogue this weekend was latest in long line of jihadi attempts to free al-Qaeda-linked neuroscientist.
The BJP often names him as the architect of India’s many shortcomings and failures, which are amplified on TV news. However, this week, Nehru’s words echoed across television after two very different victories.
On 4 November 2025, NCLAT bench, comprising Chairperson Justice Ashok Bhushan and Member Arun Baroka, noted that WhatsApp and Meta are distinct legal entities.
This world is being restructured and redrawn by one man, and what’s his power? It’s not his formidable military. It’s trade. With China, it turned on him.
If two countries are at war or very close to it ( Donald Rumsfeld or Donald Trump ) and a common friend douses the fire, we should not mind. Not one bit. If you stop all dialogue for a decade, a vacuum builds up. 2. Sphere of influence. That status has to be earned. Earlier, Monroe Doctrine, sheer predominance. Now, in a globalised world, through economic engagement, trade, investment flows as well. Which is what makes China a competitor, in South Asia, also South east Asia. Perhaps West Asia as well. 3. Even during the Biden administration, the bilateral relationship was under stress, undergoing reevaluation on both sides. More so now. 4. Indian foreign policy and its practise of diplomacy require many resets, radiating outwards from South Asia. Not in a sweet spot in any sense, in any part of the world.
If two countries are at war or very close to it ( Donald Rumsfeld or Donald Trump ) and a common friend douses the fire, we should not mind. Not one bit. If you stop all dialogue for a decade, a vacuum builds up. 2. Sphere of influence. That status has to be earned. Earlier, Monroe Doctrine, sheer predominance. Now, in a globalised world, through economic engagement, trade, investment flows as well. Which is what makes China a competitor, in South Asia, also South east Asia. Perhaps West Asia as well. 3. Even during the Biden administration, the bilateral relationship was under stress, undergoing reevaluation on both sides. More so now. 4. Indian foreign policy and its practise of diplomacy require many resets, radiating outwards from South Asia. Not in a sweet spot in any sense, in any part of the world.