New Delhi/Bengaluru: Over three speeches in two days in Karnataka’s Kolar, Bhalki and Humnabad this week, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi sought to outline a new political strategy focussed on backward classes. The move appears to be an attempt by the opposition party to re-invent the ‘Mandal’ — a term used to describe caste-based politics — to counter the BJP’s ‘Kamandal’ or Hindutva plank.
Accusing the Narendra Modi-led government of “hiding” the 2011 Socio Economic and Caste Census data, Gandhi, while speaking in Kolar Sunday, demanded that quota for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes be “proportionate to their population”, and sought removal of the 50 per cent cap on reservation. He also lamented that only 7 per cent civil servants of the secretary rank belong to OBC/SC/ST communities.
This is not the first time Gandhi has spoken about the caste census. Last year, he made a similar pitch in Telangana’s Kothur, stating that the people of the country need to understand the “makeup of the Indian population”.
The caste census also figured as a topic of discussion at the Congress’s Udaipur Nav Sankalp Shivir last year. Thereafter, it was ratified at the Raipur plenary in February. What’s different now is that the party, which seemed to go through the rigmarole by raising the caste census issue off and on, is pitching it strongly and consistently while incorporating fresh elements like removal of the 50 per cent cap and proportional reservation. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has also written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, placing “on record” the demand for an “up-to-date caste census”.
So, what is the Congress up to?
Countering Karnataka BJP & Modi surname row
In the immediate context, it seems to be attempting to counter the Basavaraj Bommai-led Karnataka government’s decision to juggle reservation categories and limits for backward classes and SCs/STs earlier this year.
In order to earn the backing of the Vokkaligas and cement the support of the agitating sub-sects of Lingayats, Bommai carved out two new categories ‘2C & 2D’ and gave them 2 per cent each, increasing the former’s share to 4 per cent from 6 per cent and the latter’s to 7 per cent from 5 per cent. This was done after removing Muslims from the backward classes list.
However, the Panchamasalis, the biggest sub-sect of the Lingayats, rejected this offer as its leaders said that they do not believe in snatching from one community for the benefit of another.
Incidentally, in Karnataka, the Congress itself has not released the findings of the 2015 Socio-Economic and Educational Survey (caste census) despite being in power between 2013 and 2018 on its own and an additional year in coalition with the JD(S).
Another immediate reason for Gandhi’s focus on OBCs, SCs and STs is the way the BJP has sought to portray Gandhi’s controversial remark about the ‘Modi’ surname as an affront to OBCs. The allegedly defamatory remark led to his conviction and subsequent disqualification from the Lok Sabha.
Senior Congress leaders ThePrint spoke to said that it’s important to put the message across — now more than ever — that the Gandhi scion did not insult OBCs.
“In response to our demand for a JPC (on the Adani issue), they brought up OBC. So, it is fair that we ask them why they aren’t releasing OBC data when they are so concerned about the community. Especially since the PM himself claims that he’s from the community,” said a senior party leader who is among those working on the party’s strategy in the run-up to 2024.
Bid to dent BJP’s Hinduism plank
There is, however, a larger context. Earlier this month, 20 opposition parties gathered at Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin’s ‘social justice’ conference. The caste census, quota for economically weaker sections and the Karnataka government’s quota re-jig among other issues came up for deliberations. Gandhi’s remarks made in the last two days could be seen in this context. Last week, he met Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, whose government is conducting a caste census in the state.
According to academic and political analyst Dr. Chandrachur Singh, the reason behind the Congress’s strategy to push the caste census, apart from the anti-OBC jibe against Rahul, is to also “deflate” the BJP’s idea of Hinduism.
“There are two things that emerge here in terms of Congress strategy. First, it is a fact that elections in most Indian states take place along caste lines. What the BJP does is, it tries to embalm the whole caste system with the Hinduism and nationalism plank. So, focussing on caste can help Congress dent the BJP’s Hinduism plank,” Singh told ThePrint.
He further said: “The second thing that emerges is that once caste numbers are known, the Congress can play on caste identity and ask what the BJP has done for marginalised castes in spite of its Hinduism push.”
Whether it will work or not will depend more on what the Congress does than what it says, Singh added. He believes that the party will have to identify caste groups, go to them and offer sops as “something tangible needs to be shown beyond just a demand for caste census”.
“In the past, Congress has spoken on caste but not done anything. For example, the Mandal Commission was constituted by Indira Gandhi but the report was implemented by V. P. Singh. Congress needs to be seen sustaining this pitch and doing something about it,” Singh said.
The BJP called the Congress’s caste census pitch a “gimmick”.
“It’s just a gimmick of the Congress party. Congress historically ignored backward classes and Dalits. Whether during the report of Kaka Kalelkar Committee or Mandal Commission, they opposed,” BJP spokesperson Guru Prakash told ThePrint.
He added: “Rahul Gandhi’s father, Rajiv Gandhi opposed the Mandal Commission report on the floor of the Parliament. Before elections, Congress comes up with the idea of ‘Nyay’, which does not get implemented after election. Rahul Gandhi is only misleading the people.”
‘May play out as disadvantage’
Speaking on condition of anonymity, some Congress leaders, however, pointed out the “logistical difficulties” in conducting a caste census. “There are castes, for example, who are tribals in some states and Brahmins in others. There are other castes that are SCs in some states and STs in others. When a caste census is done, such discrepancies crop up,” said a senior party leader.
Others said that it may play out as a disadvantage to the Congress in some states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where forward castes form a crucial vote bank. “It may alienate the Bhumihars in Bihar, for example, but we have to take a principled stand on this issue,” said another party leader.
In response to a question from ThePrint on whether the caste census could be a common poll plank to bring the opposition together in 2024, Congress leader Kanhaiya Kumar said that not just the opposition, but “everyone including the BJP” should come together to demand that caste-wise population data be collected and made public.
“This is not about opposition unity, but unity of the country. We want the BJP also to join us. The BJP should hold a press conference and tell the country whether they want to count the people in this country or not. We don’t just want to unite the opposition. The PM keeps saying 140 crore in his rallies, so we want to know whether we are actually at 140 crore or not,” said Kumar.
Caste in politics
As for the reservation conundrum in Karnataka, it was H.D. Deve Gowda who first brought Muslims into the backward classes list with a 4 per cent reservation in 1995. This was possibly the first time a religious minority was included in the backward classes list that was neither opposed nor done away with by his successors, including three BJP chief ministers.
Different sets of leaders, across party lines, have tried their own unique caste combinations to succeed and leave behind a legacy.
Devaraj Urs, the longest serving chief minister of Karnataka who served a total of seven years over two terms, successfully united the splintered backward classes with social welfare programmes, including land reforms whose benefits these sections felt.
In 2008, B.S. Yediyurappa combined the Lingayats and backward classes, especially by social engineering, earning the support of SC-Left, a section that comprises some of the most oppressed communities.
In 2013, Siddaramaiah stormed to power in 2013 with the AHINDA (Kannada acronym for minorities, backward classes and Dalits).
With inputs from Shanker Arnimesh
(Edited by Gitanjali Das)
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