The inferno lies below, a landscape made up of bombs, fire, and rubble. Their wings elevating them above the carnage, two angels—one bearing the name of the Prophet of Islam and the other of the Israelites—wish each other peace. The cartoon, published in the Turkish satirical magazine LeMan, is open to readings. Is it that those condemned to live in war can only discover their shared humanity after being liberated from life? Alternately, is it that the angels have abandoned their followers on earth, learning that piety cannot tame the savagery of the faithful?
Earlier this week, police in Istanbul fired rubber bullets and tear gas into a mob seeking to attack a bar where staff of the magazine had retreated after the supposedly blasphemous cartoon went to print. The country’s interior minister Ali Yerlikaya has promised legal action against the cartoonist, graphic designer, and editors of LeMan, vowing that “these shameless individuals will be held accountable before the law”.
Though no one was killed in the violence, it is becoming clear that Turkey, once the progressive cultural powerhouse of the Middle East, is starting to look a little more like Pakistan each week. The country’s septuagenarian ruler, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, is even working to dismantle the constitution, which mandates that “sacred religious feelings shall absolutely not be involved in state affairs and politics as required by the principle of secularism”.
Extreme religious violence isn’t unknown in Turkey. Thirty-seven people were burned to death in 1993 after mobs attacked a cultural festival of the Alevi sect, attended among others by the Turkish translator of Salman Rushdie’s book, The Satanic Verses.
The proscription of books, arrests of opposition leaders, and the repression of ethnic minorities have been an ugly feature of Turkey’s republic. However, its social and cultural life remains highly sophisticated and liberal, and not just by the standards of the grim Middle East despotisms. Erdoğan’s true legacy, the violence in Istanbul suggests, might be demolishing the foundations on which Turkey’s pluralism has rested.
Decline of the republic
Kemal Atatürk’s epoch-defining construction of republican Turkey from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire aimed to create a new civilisation that could negotiate the industrial world. The religious orders that wielded enormous influence in the imperial era were closed down in 1925. Far-reaching reforms were introduced on how men and women ought to dress, including the rejection of the traditional Fez cap and encouraging women to give up the Peçe (headscarf) and Çarşaf (a loose-fitting outer garment). In 1928, the Latin alphabet replaced the Arabic script, a tool to demolish the power of the clerical class. The same year, Islam was removed as the state religion.
For Atatürk, it seemed that the reconstruction of Islam itself was necessary. So he established the Presidency of Religious Affairs to oversee religious affairs. The clergy were transformed into state employees, responsible for delivering sermons dictated by the authorities.
Imams were ordered to allow musical instruments into mosques, and failing that, were provided with gramophones and records. Even the wearing of shoes inside mosques was encouraged.
This state-enforced religion, scholar Nevzet Çelik noted in a thoughtful essay, brought about enormous transformation—but it also stifled the organic evolution of civic life and marked secularism with the taint of authoritarianism. As Atatürk’s legacy faded, and Turkey became more shaped by Cold War anticommunism, religion became a language of protest for the peasantry and bourgeoisie.
According to historian David Tonge, from 1980 onward, things began to come to a head. The faltering economy fed communal tensions. Fifty died in massacres in Çorum, where Turkish ultranationalists attacked Alevis. As Left-wing groups battled fascists on the streets, the fights claimed dozens of lives every day. The opposition politician Necmettin Erbakan used Islam to attack Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit, calling for Turkey to be made an Islamic State.
The military stepped in to end the chaos: Turkey woke up on 12 September 1980 to find itself under military rule. To some, this seemed just a passing phase. The country had, after all, been subjected to coups in 1960 and 1971. The Generals hadn’t even troubled themselves to send out the tanks the second time, simply sending a memorandum to the parliament.
Also read: Pakistan suffers violence of its own making. West’s refusal to learn is even more tragic
A change of destiny
Led by General Kenan Evren, the National Security Council realised it needed to come to terms with the social forces sweeping Turkey. Though secularism continued to be promoted as a guiding principle, religious education was reintroduced in primary and secondary schools. The government of Prime Minister Turgut Özal, which was elected in 1983, also instrumentalised religion. His education minister Vehbi Dinçerler banned the teaching of evolution and instructed clerical schools to teach that Turks had been “leaders in the rise and dissemination of Islam throughout the world”.
Later, Özal became the first Prime Minister of Turkey to make the Hajj pilgrimage while in office, leading a delegation of several hundred Members of Parliament and senior civil servants. The opposition media, Tonge writes, savaged Özal, publishing pictures of him in his white, ritual ihram towels, contrasted with his wife in a cocktail dress, smoking one of her trademark cigars.
Erbakan’s rise to power in 1996 marked a further shift in political direction away from secularism. His first trip abroad was to Tehran, in defiance of the United States, and then to Libya. He also tried to launch a D8 group of Muslim nations, as an alternative to the West’s G7 group of economically developed countries. The ban on female civil servants wearing the headscarf was removed.
The Generals, concerned, presented Erbakan with 18 directives, 10 of which concerned the defence of secularism. Then, in April, the military declared reactionary Islam to be more dangerous to Turkey than Kurdish secessionists, or even wars. Television stations, radio broadcasters, and newspapers considered sympathetic to the Islamists were shut down.
Also read: Chinese J-20 isn’t just a fighter jet—it’s a signal to US, Japan and India
European departure
From 1999, the European Union sought to stabilise its eastern frontiers by drawing Turkey into the transnational body. The demands for civil liberties and freedoms that were now placed on Turkey’s military gutted the institution. Led by Erdoğan, the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) or Justice and Development Party, was founded in 2001, bringing together a disparate coalition of Islamists. To the world, however, the AKP presented itself as a pro-West, reformist, moderate, and neoliberal party.
Europe and the United States bought the story. Former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice declared that the AKP was “a government dedicated to pulling Turkey westward toward Europe”. President Barack Obama gushed about “a model partnership” with Turkey. Erdoğan has also used the same language about Trump.
The practice of AKP power, however, proved to be at odds with this image. For one, as the party faced growing competition from its rivals, it made increasing use of religion.
“Those with greater commitments to liberal democratic norms carried greater weight at the outset, only to lose their power and influence to electoralists,” political scientist Sebnem Gumuscu wrote in her book, Democracy or Authoritarianism.
The signs of Erdoğan’s commitment to Islamism became increasingly evident. The new school curriculum introduced in 2017 led to the removal of the theory of evolution and increased emphasis on religious values. The word ‘jihad’ was included as an essential part of Islam. And then, a year short of the centennial of the founding of the republic, he opened the Hagia Sofiya church for Islamic prayers, reversing Atatürk’s decision to turn it into a museum, equally shared between the country’s faiths.
Erdoğan’s beliefs are increasingly evident beyond Turkey’s borders, too. The new regime in Syria has embraced Sharia as the basis of its laws, just as Erdoğan seeks in his homeland. He has also been accused of complicity in the killings of religious minorities.
The rioting over the LeMan cartoon signals the rise of Turkey, diminished by its obsession with greatness, but a prisoner of resentment and hatred. This smaller, meaner Turkey, of the blasphemy rioter and sectarian killer, will be Erdoğan’s legacy.
Praveen Swami is Contributing Editor at ThePrint. His X handle is @praveenswami. Views are personal.
(Edited by Prasanna Bachchhav)