New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi wrapped up a high-stakes visit to Ukraine Friday, marked by three major highlights. First, a joint statement with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, referencing the UN Charter and the need to respect territorial integrity amid the Ukraine war. Second, the inking of four agreements across various sectors. And last but certainly not the least, Modi’s visit to an exposition in Kyiv mourning children lost in the conflict—a move loaded with geostrategic symbolism.
But the moment that sent the loudest message was when Modi drew Zelenskyy into a hug.
The timing of Modi’s visit, just six weeks after his controversial trip to Russia, is critical. During that July visit, Modi embraced Russian President Vladimir Putin on the very day a missile struck a children’s hospital in Ukraine. Zelenskyy called the hug a “blow to peace efforts” and the US didn’t hold back either. Top US diplomat Donald Lu said that the “symbolism and timing” of the Moscow visit was disappointing while National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan warned that Russia wouldn’t be a “reliable friend” to India.
Now, Modi’s hug has shifted to the Ukrainian President. But do two hugs make a right?
The big question ahead of PM Modi’s visit to Ukraine was whether it was an exercise in geopolitical damage control after Western pushback over his Moscow trip last month—and if this was a message to Delhi’s Western partners that India wasn’t on Russian President Putin’s side.
But now that the visit is over, it appears a more pertinent question is whether the visit delivered a subtle message to Moscow. There are a few clues in Modi’s recent visit to Kyiv to suggest this could be the case.
That is why Modi’s visit to Ukraine is the ThePrint Newsmaker of the Week.
Also Read: Tribute to kids killed in war, to territorial integrity push, key moments from Modi’s Ukraine trip
First clue: children’s memorial
The Indian media’s coverage of Modi’s historic visit to Ukraine, following his 14-hour train journey from Poland, was arguably as extensive as it was during his visit to Moscow. Indian broadcasters and journalists frantically interviewed the Indian diaspora and Indologists in Ukraine and Poland, capturing their reactions at every turn.
The visit was important for several reasons. It spotlighted New Delhi’s delicate balancing act between the West and Russia during the ongoing war. India’s multi-aligned approach seeks to bolster its national interests as well as its regional heft. For example, India has been positioning itself as the voice of the ‘Global South’—a tag China is also vying for. It was therefore strategic for Modi to raise the impact of the war on the Global South, especially regarding food, fuel, and fertiliser shortages.
But what is particularly interesting is what seem to be cues directed straight at Putin.
The first moment was Modi’s visit to a memorial to children killed during the war at the National Museum of History of Ukraine, where he solemnly stood beside Zelenskyy, with his arm around the Ukrainian President.
“Conflict is particularly devastating for young children. My heart goes out to the families of the children who lost their lives,” Modi later posted on X.
Zelenskky’s social media account appeared to be working in tandem.
“Today in Kyiv, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and I honored the memory of the children whose lives were taken by Russian aggression. Children in every country deserve to live in safety. We must make this possible,” he wrote, sharing a video of Modi offering a toy at the memorial.
Today in Kyiv, Prime Minister @NarendraModi and I honored the memory of the children whose lives were taken by Russian aggression.
Children in every country deserve to live in safety. We must make this possible. pic.twitter.com/gKdjqcL5iz
— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) August 23, 2024
This gesture of mourning is particularly meaningful when juxtaposed with Modi’s Moscow visit, which coincided with a Russian missile strike on a children’s hospital in Kyiv. The attack occurred the same day Modi and Putin shared a hug at Novo-Ogaryovo, the Russian President’s suburban residence.
After the strike, an ambassador from a European country told ThePrint in an informal conversation that India should have anticipated that Russia would conduct some operation or strike on the day of Modi’s arrival.
If the Indian side didn’t foresee this, it likely would have caused a certain level of annoyance in New Delhi —especially since the Prime Minister had to remain in Moscow another day under the dark cloud of Western criticism.
To make matters worse, Modi and Putin didn’t sign any major defence pacts during the Moscow visit. The US’ voluble chiding—from Jake Sullivan and Donald Lu to Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell—only added salt to the wound.
Also Read: China isn’t mocking India as usual. It’s praising Modi’s Russia-West balancing act instead
Defence factor
The second clue of a potential message to Moscow is the explicit mention of defence in the Ukraine-India joint statement.
“The leaders agreed to continue to work towards facilitating a stronger relationship between the defence entities in both countries, including through joint collaborations and partnerships for manufacturing in India and cooperation in emerging areas,” read the statement.
While Ukraine and India’s defence cooperation is well known—particularly the critical role of Ukrainian engines in Indian warships—this explicit mention of joint defence initiatives came as a surprise. It’s likely that this raised eyebrows in Moscow, which has long held a strong defence and security relationship with New Delhi. Adding to the intrigue, while Modi was in Kyiv, his Defence Minister was in Washington DC, signing two new agreements.
Two important documents have been signed in Washington DC as Raksha Mantri Shri @rajnathsingh’s visit to the United States begins.
Senior defence officials from both the sides concluded the Security of Supplies Arrangement (SOSA), and Memorandum of Agreement regarding the… pic.twitter.com/FsxZaLW1fe
— रक्षा मंत्री कार्यालय/ RMO India (@DefenceMinIndia) August 23, 2024
In an op-ed for ThePrint earlier this week, Yusuf Unjhawala, an adjunct scholar at the Takshashila Institution, pointed out that global supply chains have been disrupted due to Russia’s refusal to supply spare parts. This, in turn, has hurt upgrades of Indian defence equipment, pushing the country to explore other avenues of defence cooperation.
Unjhawala suggests that joint ventures in India—where Ukrainian technicians can work alongside Indian counterparts to set up manufacturing units—could be a way forward. He cites Bharat Forge’s recent acquisition of a 51 per cent stake in Ukrainian turbine manufacturer Zorya’s India arm as a step in this direction.
And perhaps the last clue, or half-clue, came from External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar after Modi and Zelenskyy’s meeting.
Jaishankar said India was “never neutral” in the Russia-Ukraine war. It’s possible that he was simply pushing back at Western jabs about India’s strategic autonomy, but it could also be seen as a message that there is no space for “neutrality” in a conflict like this.
As pressure mounts on Russia and Ukraine to come to the negotiating table and end a war that has only exacerbated global economic challenges, India is finding its feet as a peace-maker, at least from the sidelines—but always with its own interests at the forefront.
(Edited by Asavari Singh)