The latest protests in Nepal, being popularly referred to as the ‘Gen Z movement’, is unprecedented in the history of the country. The very term used to describe the movement suggests that it was carried out by young Nepalese. But the question is why did they come on the streets of Kathmandu and other districts.
There is a generational change in the country. The young people want employment opportunities, development, and a better lifestyle. There is a change in their lifestyle and preferences. Cafe culture is booming in Kathmandu and other major cities, and the menu being served can match those in any European country.
One of the factors behind this changing lifestyle preference was social media, which connected people to the outside world with better lifestyle, amenities, and opportunities. Many young college students are leaving the country for higher education and better opportunities, and those staying back are doing so because of compulsions, and not because they want to. Many from Nepal’s rural and mofussil areas are doing blue-collar jobs abroad and sending remittances to their families, increasing their purchasing power. They also bring tales of developed states in the Middle East or South East Asia. This has led to a feeling of relative deprivation amongst the younger people in Nepal who already feel left out compared to their peers from other countries. There was a sense of despair and hopelessness because of the state of affairs in the country.
A disconnect
Nepal’s political leadership has not been able to meet the aspirations of the people. After the adoption of a new constitution in 2015, a new political system of the federal democratic republic had raised hopes of the people. But they were met with political instability, slow economic growth. and corruption. There was a disconnect between the political leaders and the people.
Social media was active in building a narrative that all was not well in the country. There were allegations of corruption against the three main leaders — KP Sharma Oli from the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), Sher Bahadur Deuba from Nepali Congress, and Prachanda from the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) — and it was commonly believed that corruption was a glue that brought them together. The 2022 general elections in Nepal had brought to fore a new political party named Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), led by Rabi Lamichhane, which had many professionals.
There was some ray of hope that the RSP would be able to bring some change in the domestic politics, but Lamichhane, who rose to the post of Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, lost his candidacy as a member of parliament over allegations of getting a passport by providing false information and having invalid citizenship of Nepal. In the 2023 by-election, he won with a bigger margin than before, but was sent behind bars in April 2025 on corruption charges. This was seen by people as an attempt by the corrupt political leaders, especially Oli, to scuttle the rise of Lamichhane.
Interestingly, he was set free by the protesters. Users on social media also build narratives against ‘nepo kids’ of political leaders who led a life of affluence. Many are studying abroad, and some are associated with businesses. Reels and Facebook posts had gone viral suggesting that Jaybir Deuba, Son of Sher Bahadur Deuba, partly owns Hilton Hotel, which was denied by the hotel. The hotel building in Kathmandu was set on fire by protesters.
Also read: Corruption, nepotism, and a hit-and-run—how Gen Z anger spilled onto Nepal’s streets
The tipping point
The Nepal Government had been trying to control social media. In September last year, the Supreme Court of Nepal had ordered all social media platforms to register so that the local authorities could monitor “undesirable content”. In November 2023, TikTok services were discontinued by the Nepal government to protect “social harmony”, but the ban was lifted in August 2024, once the company agreed to follow local regulations. Telegram, too, was banned in July for misuse of finances. These acts were perceived as the government’s control over people’s freedom of expression and commerce.
The recent move of banning social media sites by the Oli government was the tipping point, after which the anger and dissent against the control on social media spilled onto the streets. The Oli government gave social media platforms one week, starting August 28, to get registered with the government. There was no move by the app operators, and hence services of 26 apps like Whatsapp, Facebook, Instagram, and X were discontinued.
Interestingly, the majority of them are US-based. The discontinuation of social media was perceived by some as an infringement on the basic right to freedom of expression. But for many, it denied them free services to connect with their family members living abroad and affected the income of those who relied on reels and videos to make money. This triggered the young people who responded to the call of Hami Nepal, an NGO led by Sudan Gurung. He was communicating with Gen Z through videos asking them to assemble at Maitighar in Kathmandu on the issue of corruption and social media blockade.
Youngsters in large numbers assembled there and started moving toward Parliament, but the situation soon went out of hand and 22 people died and more than 300 were injured. The next day, the protesters turned violent, assaulting political leaders and burning their houses, parliament, president’s house, and government property. Sudan Gurung came out with another video distancing the Gen Z protest from the loot and arson, indicating that other elements had also crept in the movement discrediting the intended peaceful movement. On 9 September, PM Oli resigned.
Nepal government’s move for registration of social media apps was within the bounds of legality. What went wrong was the disconnect with Gen Z and the populace at large. It had not anticipated such an outburst from the Nepali youth. The government also mishandled the protest which fuelled anger amongst the general public. Curfew was imposed and the army was called to maintain law and order. The army chief had to address the nation requesting for peace. People from every corner of society have expressed sympathy and support for Gen Z.
The volatile situation has brought in more uncertainty in Nepali politics. Gen Z has energy, street power, and aspirations to bring in new leadership, but lacks political acumen. No leadership has emerged yet, though Rabi Lamichhane is popular among Gen Z, and Balen Shah, the mayor of Kathmandu, was the first one to support the protest. It should not be a repeat of old wine in a new bottle. The country has seen many changes in the hope for betterment — be it ‘Naya Nepal’ of Maoists or a new constitution. But it was the same old politics that took control. Now, with the old guards gone, let’s hope there is a new beginning.
Sangeeta Thapliyal is a professor at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Views are personal.
(Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)