The prime aim of any country’s foreign policy is to enhance its security. But security does not merely mean the physical security of a country’s borders. Foreign and national security policies have to be designed to develop an ability to defend territorial integrity, way of life and the economic welfare and well-being of the country in the face of external challenges. Thus, while the armed forces do have a role to play in defending the territorial integrity of the country, it is through an imaginative foreign policy that circumstances are created to resolve differences and promote cooperation to meet challenges that a country may face to its values and to the welfare and well-being of its citizens.
For over the last 50 years we have faced challenges to our territorial integrity from Pakistan and China. Pakistan has sought to undermine Indian secularism and our unity and territorial integrity through the use of terrorism and low-intensity conflict. China has sought to reduce tensions and resolve problems through negotiations with us on the one hand, while simultaneously seeking to ‘contain’ us by wide-ranging transfer of weapons, including nuclear weapons designs and missiles, to our neighbors. We are also now faced with a situation following the American-led military intervention in Afghanistan, in which American and NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) forces are positioned close to our borders. The American-led intervention in Afghanistan has also led to a scattering of supporters of Al Qaeda and the Taliban drawn from Pakistan, Central Asia, Chechnya, Indonesia, the Philippines and from across the Arab world, to the far corners of the world and particularly across the Indian Ocean region.
The Indian Ocean region can be regarded as the most volatile region in the world today because it contains a combustible mix of terrorism and oil. The dispersal of members of Osama bin Laden’s ‘International Islamic Front’ to countries like Saudi Arabia and Yemen to our west, and Bangladesh, Thailand and Indonesia to our east is a development we cannot ignore. The bulk of these terrorist groups have sought to primarily target western and Israeli nationals and interests. But the recent killings of Indian nationals in Saudi Arabia merely because they were ‘infidels’ and because the perpetrators of the killings reportedly wanted to avenge the “murder of our brothers in Kashmir” suggests that the Pakistani elements amongst bin Laden’s supporters, from groups affiliated to the International Islamic Front, like the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammed, wish to target Indians and Indian interests as well. It would be naive to assume, as our government did on May 30, that the casualties at Khobar were “victims of circumstances rather than premeditated targets for attack.”
Sadly, the Americans have adopted such ham-handed methods and policies in Iraq that they are earning the wrath of the Islamic world and radicalizing the polity of Islamic countries. Animosity towards the US has reached such an extent today that any country seen to be acting at America’s behest will be viewed with suspicion and distaste by large sections of people in the Islamic world. Thus, while India will have to cooperate in all global and regional efforts to root out terrorism, it would not serve our national interests if we are perceived to be acting at America’s behest. At the same time it would not be in the interest of any secular and pluralistic country if the Americans are seen to yield to the forces of radical Wahhabi Islam, as this would only strengthen the hands of those who believe in using violence and jihad as instruments of foreign policy.
A process of regional economic integration that would promote trade, investment and tourism is, in my view, the most exciting prospect in the conduct of our foreign policy in the coming years. But we would be remiss if we did not seek to build on the progress that has been achieved in our ties with the US and China. Equally important is the growing strategic partnership with the Russian Federation. Russia, under Vladimir Putin’s leadership, is determined to regain a pre-eminent position in the councils of the world. Given its vast size, natural resources and skilled manpower, it is only a question of time before Russia is able to become more assertive in defending its interests and in developing a multi-polar world order. It shares a natural complementarity of interests with India and has been a steadfast friend and partner. While we still have much to do to build up trade and economic relations, Russia will remain a long-term partner in developing our defence capabilities. This is a relationship that we have to nurture and expand.
The US is our largest trade and economic partner and is likely to remain so. India’s strategic importance has now been clearly recognized in the White House. The Bush National Security Doctrine of 2002 proclaims: “U.S. interests require a strong relationship with India. We are the two largest democracies, committed to political freedoms protected by representative Government. India is moving towards greater economic freedom as well. We have a common interest in the free flow of trade through the vital sea-lanes of the Indian Ocean. Finally we share an interest in fighting terrorism and creating a strategically stable Asia.”
The real challenge for Indian diplomacy lies in being able to strengthen relations with the United States while making it clear to our American friends that they will have to learn to live with the reality that the views in Washington and New Delhi could differ on many issues, especially those pertaining to our immediate neighbourhood. At the same time we should avoid the tendency to pass critical comments on American actions, irrespective of whether or not such actions adversely affect our national interests. There is much that we have to learn from China which is very guarded and discreet in responding to US actions that do not have a direct bearing on its interests in its immediate neighbourhood.
The two major challenges to our diplomacy will lie in managing our relations with China and Pakistan. Our trade and economic ties with China have grown dramatically in recent years. Our trade with China is estimated to have grown by a remarkable 54 per cent in 2003 and reached a figure of around $7.6 billion, which is more than double our stagnant trade with Japan. Our borders with China have been free of any tensions for over a decade now. But Chinese military cooperation with countries in our neighbourhood and its nuclear and missile proliferation with Pakistan remain a source of concern. But this should not deter us from seeking dialogue and cooperation with China in areas ranging from naval cooperation on the high seas to energy security and the environment.
There is [a] need for a sense of balance in dealing with China. There are people in India in whose eyes China can do no wrong. There are others who call it our greatest security threat. The fact is that the Chinese have clear-cut national ambitions of emerging as the most powerful country in the world – a power centre that is both feared and respected. Their policies towards India will largely depend on how they view our economic and military strength and on how they perceive our approach to world affairs.
There has been some reduction in tensions in recent months in our relations with Pakistan. But it would be dangerous to underestimate the challenges we are going to face in the conduct of our relations with Pakistan. Speaking to the English Speaking Union of Pakistan (ESUP) in Karachi on April 12, 1999, Gen. Pervez Musharraf described the Lahore Declaration signed by Prime Ministers Vajpayee and Nawaz Sharif as nothing but “hot air.” He went on to say that, as India was a “hegemonic” power, “low intensity conflict” with India would continue even if the Kashmir issue was resolved. Kashmir, in the eyes of the military establishment that rules Pakistan, is thus just a symptom and not the cause of the tensions that characterize the relationship between India and Pakistan.
It is my view that there can be little prospect of a change in Pakistan’s approach in its relations with India until the army establishment that continues to play a dominant role in the national life of the country has a transformation in its mindset about India. But it should remain our effort to promote trade, economic and people-to-people contacts with Pakistan and be ready to engage our neighbour in dialogue and discussions on all issues of interest and concern. At the same time we have to be prepared for the possibility that the military establishment will continue with its policy of compulsive hostility towards India.
This is part of ThePrint’s Great Speeches series. It features speeches and debates that shaped modern India.
(Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)