Let me begin my Nagaland story with a tribute to my batchmate, the late lamented LV Reddy. In the tenth year of his service, in 1995, he was shot dead at his camp office when he was the DC of Kohima by the Khaplang faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland. If the Deputy Commissioner of the capital city could be shot dead in his own office during office hours, who could possibly be safe?
Now, with the state allowing 91-year old rebel leader Thuingaleng Muivah to return to his village, it’s clear that Nagaland has entered a new phase in its development journey.
But in the 1990s, the state was, for all practical purposes, in the process of ‘withering away’. I observed this first hand during my visits to Kohima and Mokokchung to review the training of civil services probationers in 1996, and as an election observer to Phek district in 1998.
I was a first-hand witness to the ‘control’ which the underground (UG) exercised on the people of Kohima, Dimapur, Phek and Mokokchung. The shutters were downed at least an hour before sunset, ‘fear’ was on the faces of everyone—including government personnel. The call for the election boycott was quite pronounced.
The (brand new) Maruti Gypsies, which were deployed on election duty, were battered by the potholes and dust even on the national highway from Dimapur to Kohima and the districts. The UG ran a parallel regime, levying their tax on all enterprises, government employees and contractors. Journalists that I spoke with in Kohima and Dimapur averred that there was a tacit understanding between the state and the UGs.
The Swaraj Kaushal-brokered settlement of 1997 with the Isak-Muivah faction of NSCN allowed adequate space to both entities. There was a tacit agreement on which events to allow, and which ones to block. Thus, there was no disruption in the dispatch of ballot boxes and the movement of election observers.
With the exception of a few urban constituencies, the campaign paraphernalia was visibly missing. However, the few brave souls who dared to cast their ballots were not physically prevented from approaching the polling centres.
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The turning point
Even as former Union Minister Oscar Fernandes and former Union Home Secretary K Padmanabhaiah continued their negotiations with the Naga rebels, it’s the establishment of Department of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER) in 2001—first as a department, and later as a Ministry from 2004—that marked a turning point in the narrative.
There was a bipartisan consensus that the Northeast was not just a law and order, or security issue to be looked at from the lens of the Home and Defence Ministries, but a region with unique development needs.
It was understood that when investments are made in health, education and agriculture, when roads are built and streets are lit up, markets open for longer hours, and young women and men strum their guitars in the coffee shops and municipal parks, then the discourse begins to change
Let me start with an intervention with which I have been personally involved—the Horticulture Mission for North East and Himalayan states (HMNEH), which was later merged into the Mission for Integrated Development of Horticulture (MIDH).
HMNEH was launched to tap the potential of high value agriculture in the Northeast. And what a range there was—Kiwis in Arunachal Pradesh to pineapples in Nagaland and Tripura, mandarin oranges in Manipur and Meghalaya to ginger in Mizoram, and Lychee in Tezpur—besides, of course, the many varieties of bananas, passion fruit and vegetables across the region.
With specific reference to Nagaland, the North Eastern Regional Agricultural Marketing Corporation (NERAMC) took the lead in getting for registration of GI tag for four products: The Naga Mircha (Naga King Chilli—the world’s hottest chillies, known for its intense fruity aroma and fiery heat, the Naga Tree Tomato—distinct variant of tree tomato with unique qualities developed through ancient cultivation practices, the Naga Cucumber—grown organically in Nagaland and known for its very high water content, and the Chakhesang Shawl—recognised for its unique design and weaving artistry.
These gave a distinct sense of pride and identity to all those who identify themselves as Nagas.
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A cultural resurgence
But more than this, it has been the linkages to marketing, music festivals and tourism that has brought about the transformation of the state—when young men and women get more recognition from the guitar, than the gun.
Take the Hornbill festival, an annual ten-day celebration of Nagaland’s culture and heritage, held from 1-10 December at the Kisama Heritage Village. Last year it attracted over 2 lakh visitors. Organised by the state government, it brings together all the Naga tribes to showcase their horticulture produce, local cuisine, and traditions, including cultural performances, indigenous games, handlooms and handicrafts.
It was at this festival that your columnist met the Tetseo sisters from the Chakhesang tribe who have accompanied the Governor of the state on his goodwill tour to the US. They’ve also performed at concerts across the world. They captivated the officer trainees at LBSNAA during their visit to Mussoorie.
The Shirui Lily festival at the Tangkhul-dominated Ukhrul, and the Orange festival at Manipur’s Tamenglong dominated by the Zeliangrong Naga group (comprising Rongmei, Liangmei, Zemei, and Pumei) have received thousands of visitors from across the country.
In fact, the Shirui Lily festival held this year from 20 to 24 May was a significant marker to the return of normalcy in the state marked by deep ethnic fissures and discord. This year’s Tamenglong festival was held last week—from 30 October to 1 November.
The point I wish to make is that the mind space in Nagaland and Naga dominated districts is no longer limited to, and certainly not preoccupied with the NSCN discourse—which has perhaps outlived its political objective, even though the cultural identification is quite strong.
The younger people, the professionals, and start-up entrepreneurs in eco-tourism, horticulture and agri-value chains are as eager as anyone elsewhere in India to be part of the country’s growing economic landscape.
Also read: In Nagaland, even the Indian Army turns to art to connect with local community
The rebel leaders
While on the one hand a cultural, social and economic integration was taking place, the government continued with talks with the dominant IM faction. This led to the signing of the historic Framework Agreement on 3 August 2015 between Isak Chishi Swu and Muivah of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland–Isak-Muivah, and special interlocutor N Ravi (now the Tamil Nadu Governor). The goal was to find a lasting peace settlement for the Naga insurgency by creating a ‘foundation for political talks’.
At the time of signing, both rebel leaders, Swu and Muivah, were in their eighties and in frail health. When Swu died of a multi-organ failure in New Delhi in 2016, Ravi ensured that NSA Ajit Doval attended the condolence meeting and offered a wreath on behalf of the Government of India. These are important gestures, and while they may not influence the talks directly, they do lead to a positive environment .
The return of Muivah at ninety one to his village Somdal in Ukhrul, and the state support in the organisation of this visit has to be seen in this context.
It is true that the text of his address is a reiteration of the stated position on Naga sovereignty, constitution and flag, which is clearly a difficult proposition for the Centre to accept after the revocation of Article 370 in August 2019.
But it is also true that his return was also a poignant reminder that ‘nothing tangible’ had been achieved toward the establishment of Nagalim, for neither Manipur, nor Assam, nor Arunachal within India, or Myanmar were willing to concede any of their territories to this cause.
Many Nagas in Nagaland—the Angamis, Aos, Semas, Konyaks and Chakhesang, among others—did not share the enthusiasm with which he was greeted in his home town. The Zeliangrong United Front, an armed group representing the Zeme, Liangmai, and Rongmei Nagas, sought an apology from him for alleged atrocities inflicted by the NSCN (IM) on their tribesmen. It insisted there was no reason to glorify an individual who “failed the Nagas on all fronts” and visited his native village “empty-handed” decades after going out on a mission for his people.
For the people of Ukhrul, his presence was a poignant reminder of an era that shaped their identity and pain in equal measure. It unfolded against a landscape where the younger generation’s aspirations are shifting—from sovereignty to stability, from insurgent politics to participatory governance and economic empowerment.
Sanjeev Chopra is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Contemporary Studies, PMML, New Delhi; a Trustee of the Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial; and Festival Director of Valley of Words, a literature and arts festival in Dehradun.
(Edited by Theres Sudeep)