Before Kejriwal, Rajiv Gandhi had entered politics as ‘Mr Clean’. We all know what happened

Arvind Kejriwal can't fool people with his sacrifice drama. By nominating Atishi as Delhi CM, he has shown his writ runs within AAP.

File photo: Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal | Suraj Singh Bisht | ThePrint

The narrative of sacrifice in Indian politics is back, this time with new actors in Delhi. Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, who is facing serious corruption charges, has resigned after securing conditional bail. One of the bail conditions prohibited him from attending his office, which effectively made him a CM without power. As such, he had no choice but to resign and make the best of it—hence the sacrifice drama. Remember, he has yet to be absolved of the corruption charges in court.

Kejriwal’s call for justice from the “people’s court” is not a new tactic for a politician accused of money laundering and other corruption offences. Many politicians have employed this rhetoric, dangerously undermining the rule of law and the authority of the courts by substituting it with the “power of the people’s vote” to evade accountability for their alleged crimes and shady deals.

Similarly, the appointment of a younger, inexperienced successor while sidelining senior colleagues is a familiar political manoeuver. This strategy was seen in Bihar with Lalu Prasad Yadav and in various other states. By nominating the 43-year-old former left-leaning activist Atishi as his successor, Kejriwal is signalling that his writ runs within the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

Additionally, piggybacking off popular movements and anti-government protests to catapult oneself to the position of messiah is a common political tactic. The JP movement, led by Jayaprakash Narayan, which resulted in the infamous Emergency and the derailment of democracy under Indira Gandhi, witnessed many student leaders rise to power. However, most eventually ended up as run-of-the-mill politicians, judiciously distancing themselves from the ideals championed by their mentor. Kejriwal is no different.

Same old ‘Mr Clean’ politics 

With an overwhelming majority and no effective opposition, Kejriwal had all the time in the world to fulfil his promise of a corruption-free government in Delhi. What he seemingly lacked was the inclination to do so. A product of the anti-corruption agitation led by Anna Hazare, Kejriwal used the platform to launch himself as the new ‘Mr Clean’ in Indian politics. Rajiv Gandhi’s big bang entry into politics was similarly heralded as a transformative moment, positioning him as ‘Mr Clean’ in politics. His approach of surrounding himself with non-party—read non-political—advisers and deviation from “aaya ram gaya ram” politics was welcomed as a refreshing change. However, the decline of his reputation began soon, culminating in the Bofors scandal that ultimately erased the ‘Mr Clean’ image. It took nearly eight years for the Congress to regain power at the Centre, yet no member of the Gandhi family has reclaimed that status since.

It is fairly easy to create a favourable image as a squeaky clean and different politician, but very difficult to maintain that image. Like Lal Bahadur Shastri’s “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan” and Indira Gandhi’s “Garibi Hatao”, Rajiv Gandhi’s “Government that Works” slogan really did not work.

Almost as if walking on the footsteps of these leaders, the AAP under Kejriwal floated slogans such as “Aam Aadmi Ka Haq” and promised clean politics. What they turned out to be is for everyone to see.

Atishi, the new chief minister, and her cabinet will hardly have about three months—or a hundred days—to transform Delhi into a livable city. Many who were part of the anti-corruption struggle alongside Anna Hazare have either resigned in protest against the ‘supreme’ leader or been excluded from the party and government. These individuals dumped unceremoniously may now oppose Kejriwal with a renewed vengeance.

AAP return will be disastrous 

Kejriwal has not only discarded his close supporters but has also successfully replaced the BJP and reduced the once-dominant Congress party to a non-entity. The decline of Congress and the absence of effective leadership within the Delhi BJP allowed the AAP to mop up a sizeable chunk of Congress and BJP votes. Besides, the reckless promise of freebies such as free water and electricity lured a large number of slum dwellers and residents of Janata colonies, JJ clusters, and regularised unauthorised colonies.

Most of these voters are part of a migrant population that starkly differs from the earlier settlers of Delhi, such as the business community and post-Partition residents, who could be credited with building the city, brick by brick—or rather, colony by colony. The Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs) established in these colonies became powerful social structures, alternating their support between the BJP and the Congress. From the Bharatiya Jana Sangh’s Kedar Nath Sahani, Madan Lal Khurana, and VK Malhotra to Congress’ Sheila Dikshit, Delhi once boasted a ‘cut above the rest’ identity.

The advent of AAP and Kejriwal’s confrontational politics seem to have robbed Delhi of its grandeur and glory, reducing it to a sprawling slum with poorly maintained regularised colonies that account for about 23 percent of the city’s population. A repeat of AAP or a fractured mandate could spell further trouble for a city already bursting at the seams. The capital deserves the attention of concerned citizens and the national parties, the BJP and the Congress, to prevent further decay.

Seshadri Chari is the former editor of ‘Organiser’. He tweets @seshadrichari. Views are personal.

(Edited by Prashant)