Kolkata, Mar 19 (PTI) Seeking to convert its decade-long electoral surge into power, the BJP heads into the West Bengal assembly polls banking on anti-incumbency against 15 years of TMC rule, sharpening communal polarisation and consolidation of anti-TMC votes in the absence of a credible third front.
Party leaders, however, acknowledge that organisational gaps in several districts and the SIR-altered voter roll arithmetic present both opportunities and challenges — while the exercise could potentially favour the party in several TMC strongholds, it has also injected uncertainty into the electoral calculus surrounding sections of its refugee vote bank.
Riding on anti-incumbency and identity politics, the BJP believes the moment may be ripe to breach, what analysts call, the saffron camp’s “final ideological frontier” by capturing power in West Bengal — the birthplace of Jana Sangh founder Syama Prasad Mookerjee and a state that remained an impregnable Left citadel for decades but is now one of the party’s most important political battlegrounds.
Having transformed itself from a party with a marginal presence into the principal challenger to the TMC over the past decade, the BJP now faces the more complex task of translating its expanding vote share into an assembly majority in a political arena that has increasingly crystallised into a bipolar contest.
The party’s rise marks one of the most dramatic shifts in West Bengal’s electoral history. From securing barely four per cent vote share in the 2011 assembly elections, the BJP surged to nearly 40 per cent in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls.
The momentum carried into the 2021 assembly elections when the party secured 77 seats, its best-ever performance, bagging 38 per cent of the votes and emerging as the principal opposition by displacing the Left and Congress from West Bengal’s political centre stage.
“This election is about ending a regime that has ruled the state for 15 years. People want change, and the BJP is the only political force capable of providing a credible alternative,” state party president Samik Bhattacharya said.
However, even after the high-voltage 2021 campaign driven by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah, the BJP has struggled to sustain large-scale political mobilisation across the state over the past five years, leaving gaps in grassroots organisation in several districts.
Observers say the party’s comparatively weaker booth-level structure remains a key challenge when pitted against the TMC’s entrenched grassroots machinery.
Bhattacharya, who last year took over as state chief, has focused on bridging divides between the BJP’s traditional cadre base and leaders who defected from the TMC during the party’s rapid expansion phase.
“Our immediate priority is organisational consolidation. A disciplined and united structure is essential if we are to convert public anger against the TMC into electoral success,” he said.
One attempt to revive political momentum has been the party’s ‘Poriborton Yatra’, a statewide march covering nearly 5,000 km aimed at energising cadres and sharpening anti-incumbency narratives.
Due to organisational constraints, the BJP continues to rely heavily on its national leadership. Modi and Shah remain central to the party’s campaign strategy, while leaders such as Suvendu Adhikari, Dilip Ghosh, Bhattacharya and Sukanta Majumdar are expected to anchor regional mobilisation.
However, the absence of a clearly projected chief ministerial face remains a recurring feature of the BJP’s West Bengal strategy, particularly when contrasted with Mamata Banerjee’s leadership in the TMC.
Observers note that while reliance on central leadership energises supporters, it also allows the TMC to frame the contest through the “outsider versus Bengali” narrative.
At the ideological level, the electoral contest in West Bengal has grown increasingly polarised since 2019. The BJP has sought to consolidate a broad Hindu vote base by foregrounding issues such as illegal immigration, border security and what it describes as minority appeasement by the TMC.
A key social base in this strategy has been the Matua community, a Scheduled Caste refugee group with decisive influence in more than 50 assembly constituencies. Since 2019, the BJP has actively courted Matua voters through its citizenship narrative, with the community-dominated belts contributing significantly to its gains in 2021.
However, SIR has introduced new political complexities in these regions. Community leaders in Matua-dominated areas have expressed concern that refugee voters lacking historical documentation may have been disproportionately affected by the revision process.
“It could adversely impact us in the seats we won last time,” a senior state BJP leader said.
At a broader level, the SIR exercise has reshaped voter profiles across districts, with the number of affected voters exceeding the 2024 Lok Sabha victory margins in more than 200 assembly segments, potentially altering electoral arithmetic in closely contested seats.
“SIR, however, has also given an opportunity in several closely contested seats which the TMC had won last time,” the BJP leader added.
The BJP sees opportunity in collapse of the Left-Congress understanding, which has narrowed the space for a third force and reinforced the TMC-BJP binary. BJP hopes to gain from a sharper consolidation of anti-incumbency votes, while the TMC seeks to further cement its hold over the state’s nearly 30 per cent minority electorate. PTI PNT ACD
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