Across the varied reading of the NSS in Chinese media, one thread recurs: The more Trump leans toward isolationism, the more volatile the global order is likely to become.
‘India has 200 Russian aircraft and multiple S-400s. Now Putin brings Su-57s and S-500s. Given China-India and India-Pakistan dynamics, what game is he playing?’ wrote a Weibo user.
Trump’s announcement of a security arrangement that would allow Riyadh to acquire jets like Israel’s F-35 is seen in China as much more than a routine arms deal.
Hu Xijin, former editor-in-chief of the ‘Global Times’, described Takaichi’s behaviour as political sleepwalking and said that Japanese leaders must become more self-aware.
Chinese commentators consistently portray India as the driver of rapprochement. New Delhi’s outreach is framed as a pragmatic, reluctant choice shaped by multiple pressures.
The central theme emerging from Chinese online discourse is that while Trump may now acknowledge China’s strength and treat it as an equal, this recognition is driven more by fear and strategic anxiety than by genuine intent for collaboration.
Under Xi, the CCP’s political structure has become even more centralised and male-dominated. Power increasingly revolves around a tight inner circle of male loyalists.
From Weibo posts to policy journals, Chinese voices interpret Ashley Tellis’s downfall as America’s self-inflicted wound, and a sign that India’s “special” status was never unconditional.
Many Chinese internet users are now referring to the Taliban as a terrorist organisation. Such descriptions were conspicuously absent when Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi met Taliban representatives in August.
In trade spats and geopolitical manoeuvres alike, China weathers the storm with the power of its narrative. Pseudonyms like Zhong Caiwen are an important part of it.
In the first eight months of the current fiscal year, New Delhi’s net tax intake didn’t even hit the halfway mark of what it expects to collect by March 31.
As Visakhapatnam readies a mega airport, the Andhra Pradesh government has revived its shelved Dagadarthi project, aiming to boost cargo and connectivity on the south coast.
Speaking at annual press conference, Army chief reiterated that India does not recognise 1963 Sino-Pakistan border pact under which Pakistan illegally ceded Shaksgam Valley to China.
UK, EFTA already in the bag and EU on the way, many members of RCEP except China signed up, and even restrictions on China being lifted, India has changed its mind on trade.
Deep seek breakthrough, typically, in India will be called out for various faults, gaps, unethics and so on. But it cannot be denied that what deepseek has been able to achieve is democratisation of hithertofore monopoly of American tech giants. Its affordability does more benefit to humanity. Strategic thinkers in India need to talk more about the positive lessons brought about that may benefit us- as against deriding deepseek as nothing more than a sasta chinese maal.
Deepseek must make it clear to the jingoistic Indians how far behind we are, compared to the Chinese, in technology and engineering.
The Hindutvawadis are itching for a chance to claim that AI and ML were mentioned in the Vedas or Upanishads or Puranas and our ancestors were masters of these technologies.
Deep seek breakthrough, typically, in India will be called out for various faults, gaps, unethics and so on. But it cannot be denied that what deepseek has been able to achieve is democratisation of hithertofore monopoly of American tech giants. Its affordability does more benefit to humanity. Strategic thinkers in India need to talk more about the positive lessons brought about that may benefit us- as against deriding deepseek as nothing more than a sasta chinese maal.
Deepseek must make it clear to the jingoistic Indians how far behind we are, compared to the Chinese, in technology and engineering.
The Hindutvawadis are itching for a chance to claim that AI and ML were mentioned in the Vedas or Upanishads or Puranas and our ancestors were masters of these technologies.