Thank you dear subscribers, we are overwhelmed with your response.
Your Turn is a unique section from ThePrint featuring points of view from its subscribers. If you are a subscriber, have a point of view, please send it to us. If not, do subscribe here: https://theprint.in/subscribe/
Since the inception of civilization, global order has always shifted. The world is unmistakably multipolar—and India is emerging as a key player.
Post-Cold War, the US unilaterally ruled the international order. Thus the onus of peace and growth lay on the US, leading to liberal policies and a capitalist model of economy. But geopolitics is the podium of constant change, and this time Asian powers, especially India, are championing the multipolar world order. To realize this geopolitical flux, India is practicing pragmatic multi-alignment to prevent strategic autonomy.
Multipolarity is not the option but a necessity, especially for the emerging powers. This allows them to uplift the dependence on few powers, align with multiple partners based on shared interests, and prevent strategic autonomy.
For a developing India, balancing vast demography, rapidly changing technologies, and sustainable development is the necessity, while sovereignty and autonomy are the priorities. This facilitates the India-US strategic partnership in economic development, shared Indo-Pacific interests, and democratic values. India-Russia comprehensive partnership based on historic reliability, military equipment, technologies, and energy demand. India and China shared an Asian century vision, economic ties, and technology needs. India and Europe share an interest in the balance of power, market opportunities, technological advancements, and sustainable climate objectives.
The recent reversal of the Trump administration from the traditional US stance risks unraveling the gains and destabilizing the post-World War II international order, pushing India toward deeper engagement with a multipolar world.
This attitude risks pushing India away from its strategic partnership with the US and towards deeper engagement with Russia and even China—reviving the “RIC” (Russia–India–China) diplomatic alignment. Though the above realignment is unlikely, since India-China relation possess some structural challenges preventing the deep ties. But the Trump’s pressure tactic is likely to fast-track resolution process. While many US think tanks view this with concern, and recommend the Trump administration repair relations not only with India but also with allies like Australia, Japan, South Korea, France, and Canada.
In a post-Trump world, US foreign policy will need a fresh start—one that acknowledges multipolarity and the waning authority of traditional multilateral bodies like the WTO and UN. A reimagining of these institutions will be inevitable as developing nations push for more democratic decision-making and less Western dominance.
The rise in plurilateralism with bodies like BRICS, SCO, and ADB (Asian and African Development Bank) expresses the distrust in the current multilateral order and the erosion of Western supremacy, which creates a space for a more equitable global structure. Amitav Acharya, in his book “The End of American World Order,” introduced a concept of ‘multiplex order’—where multiple actors, from governments to international institutions and non-state players, share responsibility for shaping norms. The future demands a cooperative system grounded in pluralism and democratic values where decisions are negotiated with consensus and not imposed.
Way Forward for India
“Change is the ever constant and an unchangeable phenomenon”; thus, the moment of restructuring policies for America’s allies and partners has arrived. India, being a non-ally, is better prepared for change in the US.
India needs to draw a far-sighted geopolitical picture and make efforts for deep and strategic cooperation with nations by understanding their societies, using soft power to build people-to-people ties, and engaging with think tanks, civil society groups, and policymakers—track 2/3 diplomacy for a successful grand strategy, as preached by Indian geopolitical thinkers.
India should intensify its engagement with other major powers, for which there is a heated discourse among the geopolitical thinkers for the revival of RIC (Russia, India, and China) cooperation that was a dream of Russia. Along the same lines, India and Russia on 6th August reaffirm their strategic partnership and sign a protocol to deepen cooperation in fertilizers, mining technology, capacity building, and technology transfer alongside a potential joint venture in the defense sector beyond BrahMos and industrial zone development in Vladivostok.
Russia’s navy has long sought greater presence in the Indian Ocean. India can offer deep-water ports like Cochin Shipyard for maintenance and repair. This entry of a new player in the Indian Ocean will act as a balancing power to the US and a contender to China as well since it weakens Beijing’s aspiration for unilateral regional dominance. This move will accelerate India’s entry to the North Sea, advocated by Russia.
The shared economic threat forces both India and China to engage more quickly towards a unified front. The recent bilateral talks on border and strategic issues, though limited, indicate cautious steps towards managing differences.
India’s own approach remains: ‘Cooperate with China wherever possible and oppose wherever necessary’. Despite investment restrictions under Press Note 3, selective economic engagement and China’s dominance in rare earths, controlling 70% of global rare earth mining and over 90% of refining capacity. This could complement India’s semiconductor Mission and renewable energy ambitions.”
Climate change and technology are among the important pillars that shape the present governing order. For these developments India is planning to explore the European Union whether in terms of meeting the Paris Agreement commitments, the International Solar Alliance, the MOU to promote 6G Research and Development, or market exploration for goods and services. Japan is another strong partner to share advanced technologies and infrastructure development in India and to bolster critical mineral supply chains, clean energy, etc.
Looking ahead, plurilateral institutions like BRICS+ span nearly half the world’s population and 40% of GDP. Exploring this market offers a substantial alternative to the US diminishes the effectiveness of its trade policy. This strengthened bloc is working on new financial mechanisms. The New Development Bank (NDB) is their primary tool to mobilize resources for infrastructure and sustainable development projects in emerging economies. BRICS Pay is a decentralized and independent payment messaging mechanism to bypass the west-controlled SWIFT system. So the new BRICS is no longer a simple acronym but a powerful geopolitical force.
Another focusing area for India will be SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization), formed with an objective to combat ‘three evils’—terrorism, separatism, and extremism—which resonates with India’s key focus area from a security standpoint. India’s effort to counter these evils with the support of the US seems diluted after observing the US silence over the speech of Asim Munir threatening not only India but the world.
India’s foreign policy is not pro-Russia/China or anti-West—it is pro-India. As the world tilts towards blocs and binaries, India’s strategic autonomy is not just policy—it’s principle. Multipolarity will remain hollow if the global narrative doesn’t accommodate independent voices outside established power corridors.
Ayush Kumar Sen
Independent Public Policy and Geopolitical Analyst, The Print Contributor (YourTurn) Email: ayushsen9672@gmail.com
These pieces are being published as they have been received – they have not been edited/fact-checked by ThePrint.